Search results

1

Moving Around : How Bedouin Villagers in Dubai Respond to the Challenges of Urban Expansion

100%

Larsen A. K.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

|

2017

|

vol. 104

|

issue 2

231-245

EN

This article examines whether well-known dichotomous concepts may be of use for understanding social and cultural processes in an era where neoliberal economies and global movements of people, matters and ideas are prevalent. The study focus is on villagers with a Bedouin background on the desert outskirts of Dubai Emirate. The rapid development they have been exposed to during the last decades has caused increased movement between different locations. There will be an examination of how the Bedouin, and especially younger women, experience and relate to these locations. This encompasses in particular how they interpret the desert and how they interrelate to different types of actors in each space

2

Land Art as a Means to Negotiate Natural and Cultural Heritage in the United Arab Emirates

100%

Sindelar M. J.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

|

2017

|

vol. 104

|

issue 2

213-230

EN

This article examines the practice of Land Art in the United Arab Emirates as a way to negotiate natural and cultural heritage discourses prevalent in the Arab Gulf. It thereby views artworks as cultural statements that possess the enunciatory power to make visible the negotiation and ambiguity inherent in art production. Since the heritage and art industries in the UAE are closely intertwined, heritage discourses have permeated art production and influenced artists’ assumptions about the ways in which nature has been, or should be, equated with the nation. The article argues that Land Art can reveal the ambiguities in artists’ negotiation of the relation between nature and nation – regardless of the artists’ prior intentions for the artwork.

3

From Europe to the Arab Peninsula? – Cultural Diplomacy Practices in the United Arab Emirates

86%

Gołębiowski D.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2020

|

issue 4

151-173

EN

This paper analyzes the practice of “cultural diplomacy” and “soft power” in the United Arab Emirates in light of previously developed practices in European countries such as France and Germany. These two concepts referred to international relations and invented in the Western world, describe strategies that have been taken up by non-Western governments, either to complement their hard power capacity with its soft equivalent or to fill a gap where hard power is missing. Diverse (especially state) actors in international relations appear convinced that public and cultural diplomacy as an example of soft power, is the most advanced, non-invasive way of conveying a positive image, values, or lifestyle, being at the same time a non-violent means of pursuing national interests. How is the concept of cultural diplomacy applied and facilitated in non-Western countries? Which model of public diplomacy best describes actions undertakenby the Emirati authorities and what are the reason for developing a soft power strategy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This article answers these question s through a comparative analysis of the United Arab Emirates with the examples of France and Germany. It points out the potentialchallenges and opportunities which arise from a non-Western government using a tool of cultural diplomacy by analyzing diverse initiatives undertaken by UAE, including the “Emirati Film Review in Poland”.

4

The impact of the UAE legislator’s use of telecommunications technology on judicial notices:

86%

Kandeel M. E.

The Lawyer Quarterly

|

2020

|

vol. 10

|

issue 4

521-532

EN

After the passing of UAE Federal Law 28 of 2005 concerning personal affairs, the UAE legislator initiated the use of telecommunications technology for judicial notices, thus making notifications via email or fax legal. The use of the same technology was further emphasized after the amendment of Article 8 of Civil Procedure Law 11 of 1992, by which the competent Claims Management Office was permitted, by virtue of a decree from the Minister of Justice, to declare or notify judicial notices via fax, email, or any equivalent modern means of communication specified in this regard. This field witnessed further breakthroughs with the passing of several laws and decrees, including: Federal Law 10 of 2017, which amended certain provisions in the Civil Procedure Law; Ministers Council’s Decree 57 of 2018, regarding the executive regulation of the Civil Procedure Law; and, Ministerial Decree 260 of 2019, regarding the ‘Procedural Manual for Litigation Regulation’ on using modern electronic means and telecommunication in civil procedures. Consequently, there is no doubt that this new use of telecommunications technology for judicial notices will have a number of legal implications, whether related to the method, time and data on the notice itself, the duties of the notice’s competent official, the timeframe of the notice’s legal effect, or the jurisdiction in which the notice was made. The new means of modern communication tools; as stated in the above mentioned decree; has come to be an authentic means rather just an alternative. Its significant role in trial procedures its futuristic nature and the need for speedy reliable judicial procedures.

5

Terrorism, War and Conflict, an analysis into the Horn of Africa - Al Shabaab in Somalia; US and UN efforts to reduce violence

72%

Tase P.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

|

2013

|

issue 07

27-35

EN

Somalia has been one of the UN member countries who lingers from the presence of terrorist groups in its territory, that exert tremendous influence in the daily life of its society and economy. Al Shabaab is well known in the horn of Africa, particularly in Somalia, for its terrorist training and strong affiliation with other terrorist groups in Nigeria and Al-Qaeda. The Harakat Shabaab Al Mujahidin, also known as Al-Shabaab. has completely controlled the central and southern part of Somalia including some of its important sea ports, which are vital for the country’s economy. Although Ethiopian and Somali military forces attempted to rout the group in a two week war between December 2006 and January 2007, Al Shabaab, with its 14,500 militants, still continues to maintain control over strategic locations, not only in Somalia, but also throughout the horn of Africa. The paper delves into the recent events and attacks either undertaken or influenced by Al-Shabaab, including a snap shot of its threat to humanitarian aid personnel as well as the Africa Union troops who are desperately trying to lower the intensity of conflict along the Somalia Kenya border area and Al-Shabaab’s actions to secure financial resources.

6

Prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej i jej ograniczenia w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich

72%

Pajduszewski M.

Roczniki Nauk Prawnych

|

2019

|

vol. 29

|

issue 2

49-64

PL

Prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej w krajach muzułmańskich budzi wciąż wiele kontrowersji w świecie zachodu, który zasad funkcjonowania tamtejszych gospodarek niekiedy nie rozumie, a niekiedy nie chce zrozumieć, chociaż niektóre z nich, np. Emirat Dubaju, uchodzą za wzór rozwoju, nie tylko w świecie islamu. Na pojęcie wolności działalności gospodarczej należy patrzeć wielowymiarowo, nie tylko w kontekście danego kraju, lecz często w kontekście całego regionu, a nawet świata. Inwestorzy, po kryzysie stali się bardziej wymagający i szukają najlepszych miejsc do prowadzenia działalności gospodarczej. Ważnym elementem jest prezentowanie polityki otwartości na inwestorów zagranicznych przez sprawne i szybkie dostosowywanie przepisów do wymogów rynku. Elastyczny i wyrozumiały dla biznesu system prawa jest podstawą bezpieczeństwa prowadzenia biznesu przez lata. Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie starają się w bardzo szerokim zakresie umożliwić zagranicznym inwestorom prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej.

EN

Conducting business activity in Muslim countries still raises a lot of controversy in the Western World, which sometimes does not understand the principles of functioning of those economies, and sometimes does not want to understand, although some of them, for example Emirate of Dubai, are considered as a model of development, not only in the Islamic world. The concept of freedom of economic activity should be viewed in a multidimensional way, not only in the context of a given country, but often in the context of the whole region and even the world. Investors, after the crisis, have become more picky and are looking for the best places to do the run a business. An important element is the presentation of the policy of openness to foreign investors by efficient and quick adaptation of the regulations to market requirements. The legal system that is flexible and forgiving for business is the basis of business security for years. The United Arab Emirates is trying to allow foreign investors to run a business in a very wide range.

7

Always the Villain: The Wife in Emirati Folktales. A Socio-cultural and Linguistic Reading

72%

Kalach N.

Rocznik Orientalistyczny

|

2022

|

issue 2

8

The Heart of Arabs. Emirati Songs for Egypt

58%

Wolny-Abouelwafa E.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

|

2023

|

issue 2(37)

278-294

RU

Создание патриотических песен в арабских странах очень распространено. Они могут представлять разные стили музыки, могут быть связаны с особыми случаями или созданы без них, просто из «сердце нужно». Автор статьи на протяжении многих лет занимается исследованием современных египетских патриотических песен. На основании своих результатов она решила разделить все проанализированные песни на те, которые созданы египтянами для египтян, а также созданы другими исполнителями для Египта и его граждан. Работу последних она также называет «патриотическими песнями» и разделяет их на две основные группы, связанные с тем, как они себя идентифицируют. В статье представлены результаты анализа избранных песен, выпущенных артистами Объединенных Арабских Эмиратов для Египта. Целью автора статьи было проверить тематику песен и какую из ранее упомянутых групп они представляют. Она также упоминает фигуру Хусейна Аль-Джассми, самого популярного в последние годы эмиратского певца, создающего патриотические песни для Египта. Она проанализировала песни на основе их тем и объединила их с современными отношениями между Объединенными Арабскими Эмиратами и Египтом, упомянув при этом их историческое происхождение. Все это позволило ей прийти к выводам, представленным в статье.

EN

Creating patriotic songs in the Arab countries is very common. They can represent different types of music, can be connected to special occasions or be created without them, just from the ‘need a heart’. The author of the article has been doing research on contemporary Egyptian patriotic songs for years. On the basis of her results, she has decided to divide all the analysed songs into the those created by Egyptians for Egyptians and in addition created by other artists for Egypt and its citizens. The job of the latter she calls ‘patriotic songs’ as well and divided them into two main groups which are connected with the way they identify themselves. The article presents the results of the analysis of selected songs released by United Arab Emirates’ artists for Egypt. The article’s author’s goal was to check the songs’ topics and which one of the previously mentioned groups they represent. She also mentions the figure of Hussain Al Jassmi, the most popular, in recent years, Emirati singer creating patriotic songs for Egypt. She analysed the songs on the basis of the songs’ topics and combined it with the contemporary relations between United Arab Emirates and Egypt while mentioning their origins historically. All of this allowed her to reach the conclusions presented in the article.

9

The Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, Poland in the Middle East. United Arab Emirates Perspective

58%

Krzymowski A.

Przegląd Strategiczny

|

2021

|

issue 14

107-126

PL

Celem naukowym artykułu jest zbadanie stosunków państw Trójkąta Weimarskiego ze Zjednoczonymi Emiratami Arabskimi. Dlatego też, autor stawia pytanie badawcze. Czy rola i znaczenie państw Trójkąta Weimarskiego wzrasta w zewnętrznym wymiarze Unii Europejskiej? Na przykładzie Zjednoczonych Emiratów Arabskich w badaniu przyjęto hipotezę. Jest to stwierdzenie, że po Brexicie, państwa Trójkąta Weimarskiego mają szansę zwiększyć swoje znaczenie w działaniach zewnętrznych UE. Oprócz studiów przypadków, w celu zrewidowania hipotezy, autor przeprowadził skrupulatną analizę porównawczą. Ponadto, jako odpowiednie narzędzie do zbadania przedstawionego zagadnienia, przyjęto Teorię Praktyki Międzynarodowej (International Practice Theory). Niniejsze badania empiryczne i jego wyniki są rezultatem ponad dziesięciu lat autora bezpośredniej obserwacji, analiz i uczestniczenia w wielu inicjatywach, zarówno Unii Europejskiej, jak i Zjednoczonych Emiratów Arabskich. Bliski Wschód dla krajów Trójkąta Weimarskiego jest ważniejszy niż tylko z perspektywy potencjału handlowego. Sytuacja w tym regionie ma również wpływ na Europę i globalną architekturę bezpieczeństwa. Dlatego też, należy rozwijać spójną i kompleksową politykę zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa UE, wobec tego regionu, a jednym z jej filarów powinna być formuła Trójkąta Weimarskiego.

EN

The article’s scientific goal is to investigate the Weimar Triangle countries’ relations with the United Arab Emirates. Therefore, the author asks the research question. Are the Weimar Triangle states’ role and significance increasing in the external dimension of the European Union? Based on the example of the United Arab Emirates, the research adopted a hypothesis. It is the statement that after Brexit, the Weimar Triangle countries have a chance to improve their importance in the EU external activities. Apart from case studies, to revise the hypothesis, the author performed a meticulous comparative analysis. Moreover, the research implemented International Practice Theory as an appropriate tool to investigate the presented issue. This empirical research and its findings resulted from over ten years of the author’s direct observation, analysis, and participation in many initiatives, both in the European Union and in the United Arab Emirates. The Middle East for the Weimar Triangle countries is more significant than just from a trade potential perspective. The situation in this region is also affecting Europe, as well as global security architecture. For this reason, one should develop a coherent and comprehensive EU foreign and security policy towards the region, and the Weimar Triangle formula should be one of its pillars.

10

Abraham Accords Against the Backdrop of the Middle East Political Mosaic

58%

Kosman M. M.

Przegląd Strategiczny

|

2022

|

issue 15

105-122

PL

W drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku na Bliskim Wschodzie doszło do wielu procesów destabilizujących regionalne bezpieczeństwo. Wśród nich można wskazać przede wszystkim Arabską Wiosnę i wojnę domową w Syrii, w którą zaangażowały się Rosja, Stany Zjednoczone, szereg mocarstw regionalnych oraz wielu aktorów niepaństwowych. Innym poważnym wyzwaniem okazały się irańskie ambicje nuklearne, zwłaszcza po wycofaniu się USA z porozumienia JCPOA w 2018 r. Na bliskowschodnią mozaikę interesów silnie wpłynęło także proizraelskie stanowisko administracji prezydenta Donalda Trumpa. W takich okolicznościach w 2020 r. zawarte zostały porozumienia Izraela z kilkoma państwami arabskimi, znane jako porozumienia Abrahama. Celem artykułu jest omówienie tych porozumień, analiza ich przyczyn i zarysowanie ich następstw. Autor przyjął hipotezę, iż porozumienia Abrahama stanowią istotny krok na rzecz wzmacniania akceptacji państw arabskich dla Izraela i jego strategicznych interesów. W przygotowaniu tekstu posłużono się przede wszystkim metodą analizy dokumentów i piśmiennictwa.

EN

In the second decade of the 21st century, many processes destabilized regional security in the Middle East. These include, first of all, the Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria, in which Russia, the United States, a number of regional powers and many non-state actors were involved. Iran’s nuclear ambitions turned out to be another major challenge, especially after the US withdrew from the JCPOA agreement in 2018. The pro-Israel stance of President Donald Trump’s administration has also strongly influenced the Middle East mosaic of interests. Under these circumstances, in 2020, Israel’s agreements with several Arab states, known as the Abraham Accords, were concluded. The aim of the article is to describe these agreements, analyze their causes and outline their consequences. The author adopted the hypothesis that the Abraham Accords constitute a significant step towards strengthening the acceptance of Arab states for Israel and its strategic interests. In the preparation of the text, the method of document and literature analysis was used primarily.

11

Strategiczny sojusz saudyjsko-emiracki – odpowiedź na kryzys w Zatoce Perskiej

58%

Sławek J.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2018

|

issue 3

141-153

EN

The article discusses the issue of the political developments in the region of the Gulf. This region for than a year have been now rocked by a number of serious crisis, as the isolation of Qatar and the military intervention in Yemen. These have weakened the effectiveness of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Simultaneously with the tensions there are efforts to seek strengthening the two most powerful countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, that have been lately coordinating and deepening their bilateral relations. The article aims at answering the question whether the efforts to counter the on-going crisis will be effective and well-thought of.

PL

Artykuł omawia problematykę związaną z sytuacją polityczną w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. Region ten od ponad roku targany jest kilkoma poważnymi kryzysami, takimi jak izolacja Kataru i interwencja zbrojna w Jemenie, które w pewnej mierze osłabiły skuteczność Rady Współpracy Państw Zatoki. Równolegle z kryzysami poszukiwane są rozwiązania mające wzmacniać dwa najsilniejsze państwa Rady Współpracy Arabskich Państw Zatoki, czyli Arabię Saudyjską i Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie, które aktywnie pogłębiają swoje bilateralne relacje. Artykuł stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy kryzysy w regionie, któremu towarzyszą wysiłki zmierzające do ich zniwelowania okażą się właściwe i skuteczne.

Refine search results

Moving Around : How Bedouin Villagers in Dubai Respond to the Challenges of Urban Expansion

Land Art as a Means to Negotiate Natural and Cultural Heritage in the United Arab Emirates

From Europe to the Arab Peninsula? – Cultural Diplomacy Practices in the United Arab Emirates

The impact of the UAE legislator’s use of telecommunications technology on judicial notices:

Terrorism, War and Conflict, an analysis into the Horn of Africa - Al Shabaab in Somalia; US and UN efforts to reduce violence

Prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej i jej ograniczenia w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich

Always the Villain: The Wife in Emirati Folktales. A Socio-cultural and Linguistic Reading

The Heart of Arabs. Emirati Songs for Egypt

The Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, Poland in the Middle East. United Arab Emirates Perspective

Abraham Accords Against the Backdrop of the Middle East Political Mosaic

Strategiczny sojusz saudyjsko-emiracki – odpowiedź na kryzys w Zatoce Perskiej