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Brexit: przyczyny oraz potencjalne konsekwencje wyjścia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej

100%

Zuba K.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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vol. 45

287-313

EN

In the referendum of 23 June 2016, the 51.89% majority of the British who decided to vote opted for the exit of their country from the European Union. This paper presents the main threads in the debate concerning, on the one hand, the reasons for Brexit and, on the other hand, its potential consequences for the United Kingdom and the EU. The vote for Brexit was determined by long-term factors (the specific character of the country’s political and economic systems) as well as short-term ones (the rising wave of immigration and the erroneous assumptions in the strategy of the pro-Europe camp). The main factor determining the scale of Brexit’s consequences will be the result of negotiations, and thus the status of the United Kingdom in its relationships with the EU to be established in the course of negotiations, as well as political, economic, and social practices. Most analysts share the opinion that these consequences will be negative. This applies in particular to economic issues and the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom.

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Umowa poparcia dla rządu mniejszościowego – zagrożenie dla demokracji westminsterskiej? Przypadek brytyjskiego porozumienia Partii Konserwatywnej i Demokratycznej Partii Unionistycznej z 2017 roku

100%

Żukiewicz P.

Studia Politologiczne

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2018

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vol. 47

54-67

EN

The article is an attempt of a theoretical reflection on the agreements signed by two parties, with different relevance in political systems, in order to create a base of support for a minority government. The author try to answer the question whether such an agreement – in terms of transparency of a political system – is functional or dysfunctional for the stability of the Westminster democracy. He analyses the case of the 2017 agreement between the Conservative Party and Democratic Unionist Party using some system analysis and content analysis techniques. He concludes that in the case of the United Kingdom the process of forming an informal coalition in order to support the Theresa May’s minority government was typical for the democratic system, but the transactional nature of the agreement brought the British political system closer to patron-client patterns.

3

Zajęcie i okupacja Islandii przez wojska brytyjskie 1940–1943

72%

Kubiak K.

Studia Scandinavica

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2018

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issue 2 (22)

135-151

EN

After the German invasion of Denmark, Winston Churchill, then forming a new cabinet, decided to occupy Iceland. According to the British Prime Minister, this was an operation to prevent the Germans from establishing themselves on the island. According to Churchill, the Germans – who had been successful in Norway – had not only the opportunity and the right forces, but also the strategic motivation to capture Iceland. It should be underlined that, at the time, Iceland, which since 1918 had been an independent state in a personal union with Denmark, declared the will to be strictly neutral. However, Iceland was not able to defend itself. Apart from about 150 policemen and Coast Guards, there were no Icelandic armed forces. The article presents the circumstances and conditions of the British “invasion” of Iceland and the course of the occupation.

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2 Studia Politologiczne

1 Studia Scandinavica

1 Kubiak K.

1 Zuba K.

1 Żukiewicz P.

2 2018

1 2017

Brexit: przyczyny oraz potencjalne konsekwencje wyjścia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej

Umowa poparcia dla rządu mniejszościowego – zagrożenie dla demokracji westminsterskiej? Przypadek brytyjskiego porozumienia Partii Konserwatywnej i Demokratycznej Partii Unionistycznej z 2017 roku

Zajęcie i okupacja Islandii przez wojska brytyjskie 1940–1943