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EN
The article is devoted to dramas performed at the school in Leszno in the 17th century, especially in the 1640s and 1650s – that is, during the rectorate of Šebestián Macer of Letošice. According to surviving sources, the number of plays produced then, in comparison with the preceding era when Comenius was rector, definitely did not decrease. The tendencies established by Comenius's play Diogenes of 1640 continued in the next period. In the Macer era, first, a number of secular elements (e.g. in the play Hercules monstrorum domitor) were introduced in plays performed on the Leszno stage; secondly, at that time too, factual teaching material was adapted into a play (Macer's dramatisation of Comenius's Janua). That was in harmony with the practice of a number of Polish and Silesian schools at the time, which presented actus oratorii, in principal composed rhetorical productions that in some cases adapted the teaching material.
EN
The archive of Matouš Konečný, discovered in August 2006 during construction work done in Mladá Boleslav, is one of the most significant discoveries in modern history of source materials relating to the history of the Bohemian Reformation. At its core is a set of 523 letters addressed in large part to Matouš Konečný († 1622), the last pre-White-Mountain bishop of the Unity of the Brethren in Mladá Boleslav. Among those who sent the letters – each, as a rule, with its own seal – were the senior of Prague’s Utraquist consistory, the bishops of the Unity of the Brethren in Moravia and Poland, regular priests of the Brethren, students, teachers and members of the Brethren from among the burghers and both aristocratic estates. Whereas the dominant theme in the correspondence is the administration of church aff airs, in the case of the letters from students and teachers, it is the progress of the studies of the future clergymen of the Brethren sent to academies abroad. Another, substantial portion of the materials discovered comprises lists of members of Bohemian Brethren groups and inventories of their possessions. To a considerable extent, they expand the range of sources dealing with the material furnishings of the buildings serving towards devotional ends or towards the accommodation of Brethren priests and other associated individuals. Among the most important items discovered is an agenda, kept for several years, providing an overview of church services held within the district of the Mladá Boleslav group; two library catalogues belonging to the Brethren priests B. Jafet and Š. Věrník; information regarding the distribution of titles published by the Unity of the Brethren in the early 17th century; a record of the convocation of Lutheran clergymen at Holešov which documents the organizational structure of Moravian Lutheran groups; and other documents relating to the administration of the properties of the Unity of the Brethren in the Mladá Boleslav district. The documents published in the adjoining publication illustrate the character of each individual portion of the abovementioned archive. The material in the archive considerably extends the scope of our knowledge concerning the complicated religious state of aff airs in Bohemia and Moravia during the period between the issuing of Rudolf’s Letter of Majesty (1609) and the start of the Estates Revolt (1618).
EN
Even though after 1555 there was religious freedom within the Holy Roman Empire, such liberties could not be enjoyed by the Reformed higher aristocracy in instances when they wanted to found a university. This could only be done once an ‘Emperor’s Prerogative’ was granted. The question for the Reformed higher aristocracy was how to ensure that the academic level of education in their own institutions was similar to universities. The solution was found in the creation of a system of regional academies (so called gymnasium illustre). The model for such academies is considered to be the Strasbourg Academy, which was further refined in the Herborn Academy. The Herborn Academy inspired the rise of other educational centres, one of which was the gymnasium illustre in Bremen, which was reorganized in 1610 by Matthias Martinius, the school’s most significant rector. The Bremen Academy had two parts, the pedagogeum and the gymnasium illustre. The teaching at the pedagogeum followed established teaching syllabuses, which, unfortunately, are not available to us from Rector Martinius’s period. However, there are certain references to the content of the teaching materials and textbooks used at that time, which can be found in correspondence and the accounting records of the academy’s students, the priests-to-be of the Unity of Brethren, who due to the lack of suitable educational centres in the Czech lands, studied at foreign schools. From the accounting records of Daniel Němčanský, who studied at the Bremen Academy at this time, we know of several books that were used. The listing of these books is located at the end of this work.
EN
This study examines the travelogue Islandia (1638) of Daniel Vetter. It argues that the references to God and his divine assistance throughout the narrative part of the travelogue create a subtle semantic net upon which the message of the text, that is to portray the magnificence of God's deeds, is based. A recurrent topic of danger, permeating the narration, serves as a medium for such a portrayal. The descriptive part of the travelogue is interpreted as another Vetter's way of portraying the magnificence of God's deeds. While depicting Iceland, which is seen as a curious Kunstkammer, every aspect of Icelandic reality is portrayed as being in some way curious and peculiar, contributing to the image of the land included within God's plan. At the closing of the travelogue, these two ways of portraying are linked together. The curious is not only connected with, but finally also encompassed within, the divine.
EN
In the eighteenth century émigrés came from Bohemia and Moravia to the German lands with the idea of becoming members of the Lutheran church. From reading Pietist literature they had gained the impression that this teaching corresponded to their religious convictions. They soon however realised that some ritual customs ran counter to their understanding and the superficial life of most Lutherans stopped them in their tracks. Their difference was predetermined by Bohemian Reformation tradition, by Pietist literature and by holding to the direct and unconditional authority of the biblical text as they understood it. When, because of their difference, they began to be looked on with suspicion, they had somehow to account for it and to identify it. Their only knowledge of Reformation tradition was of the Bohemian Reformation church, and that was the Unitas fratrum. Some were direct descendants of former Brethren families, others had at least met with the descendants of the old Czech brethren still in the Czech Lands and sought support from them. They did not call themselves the Czech Brethren while they were still in the Czech Lands, but once in exile (when they had by some means to express their independence) they had no doubts about the justness of their identification with this Bohemian Reformation church, wellknown to them by repute. They called themselves the Czech Brethren. Of the inheritance of the Unitas fratrum, closest to them was church order and discipline. However, when they spoke of the “Czech confession”, they really meant by that their own religious tradition.
EN
The edition presents the evaluation of Czech students Johannes Salmon, Matthaeus Titus, Johannes Litomilus, Johanes Amosus (= Comenius) and Johannes Stadius that was requested by Matouš Konečný, the senior priest of the Unity of Brethern, from the head of Herbon Academy J. Piscator and its other professors. The brief evaluations have been written by seven professors: J. Matthaeus, H. Gutberlet, H. Ravensperger, J. H. Alsted, H. Dauber, G. Pasor, J. J. Hermann, who all have expressed a predominantly positive opinion about the study and conduct of Czech students. The document has been discovered in 2006 in the town of Mladá Boleslav in the course of reconstruction work in the former monastery called Karmel that served as the residence of the seniors of the Unity in the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century.
EN
This paper is an attempt, on the basis of an analysis of different kinds of sources (diplomatic, personal, literary and so on), to comprehend the role of the Bohemian Brethren schools in the upbringing and education of the upper classes of the Kingdom of Bohemia and the Margravate of Moravia and, to a lesser extent, of the foreign nobility. After a general introduction, in which the author establishes the growing interest of domestic aristocracy about this denominationally specific type of school in Bohemia and Moravia in the context of the inner development of the Brethren schools, he tracks specific educational institutes of the Unitas Fratrum for which there are records of students from the aristocracy during the sixteenth and first decade of the seventeenth century. Other issues are also dealt with: the content of the study in the schools, the reasons for the choice of a specific school, the composition in terms of the nationality, language, society and confession of the noble pupils, and so on. Last but not least, the study aims to answer the question of how the education of the domestic nobility in the schools of the Unitas Fratrum contributed towards their denominational orientation. In the conclusion of the contribution the author points out some possibilities for further research into this issue.
EN
The text focuses on one of the crucial phenomena of the history of American colonization – the restitution of slavery in the New World. It places this phenomenon within the frame of the intellectual history of Europe, and especially within the frame of the social-reformist, ‘utopian’ thinking of the Early Modern era. While the enslaving of Native Americans and black Africans revealed the aggressive nature of European expansion, it also coincided intimately with the missionary activities of Roman Catholic as well as the Protestant churches. The aim was to analyze the seemingly ambiguous efforts of missionizing slavers as a response to the intellectually challenging period of overseas discoveries. Besides being an economic institution, slavery constituted part of the effort for reform that took place within the framework of the colonizing process. Of the three groups under consideration, two of them, the Jesuits and the ‘Moravians’ (members of the Protestant Unitas Fratrum, or Unity of Brethren), in spite of numerous theological differences and demonstrative mutual opposition, coincided significantly in their attitude towards slavery. The slave-operated plantation offered them a prospect of combining the vision of a traditional patriarchal order with ‘modern’ ideals of efficiency and engineered incentive. Both the Jesuits and the Moravians adhered to the Aristotelian ideal of an intelligent and virtuous authority ruling the irrational forces of the world, and considered themselves to be those chosen to rule and to be an example to others in secular and spiritual life, even against their will. In contrast, the critique of slavery on the part of two Capuchin missionaries contained the traditional, ‘Medieval’ view of Christian duty, renouncing secular activity in favour of prayer and contemplation and advocating the equalitarian strain, latently present in Christian teaching.
EN
Based on an analysis of the edition of the list of the members of the Prague- Tuchoměřice congregation, compiled by the bishop of the Unity of Brethren Matouš Konečný in 1607 and found in 2006 within the episcopal archive. It was a group of burghers tending to the creation of significantly closed communities of connected familial, friendship and professional ties, which settled in a concentrated fashion on the prestigious addresses of all three towns of Prague. It was precisely these Prague fraternal burgher elites that intervened in a fundamental way in the course of the Bohemian Revolt in 1618–1620 and paid for its defeat also with death sentences and to a degree much more distinctive than was the case with the representatives of other social classes of estates’ society, or other Protestant confessions.
EN
The historical Unity of Brethren produced a relatively large amount of literature, mainly intended for the clergy and members of this community. From the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, the diversity of genres increased, and after 1609, when Rudolf II issued the Letter of Majesty granting religious freedom, the censorship measures were relaxed in Bohemia. As a result, the printing house that the Unity ran in the Moravian town of Kralice nad Oslavou was falling short of production capacity. The Unity’s leadership thus had to approach commercial printing companies, especially in the capital of the kingdom (Prague), but also in Hradec Králové, to satisfy the growing demand of Brethren literature. This study seeks to explore the main reasons for choosing specific printing enterprises to produce publications with Brethren religious texts and the extent to which these preferences were influenced by the printers’ confessional attitudes. The findings of this study show that what played an important role was not only the printers’ confessional affiliation, or their inclinations for the Unity of Brethren, but also their personal ties to the authors of the published texts, or to the contractors of the publication production. Especially noteworthy for this research is the preserved correspondence from the archive of a Unity of Brethren bishop Matouš Konečný, who worked in Mladá Boleslav between 1609 and 1620 and was responsible for the entire literary production of the community as well as its dissemination among the followers. The archive of Matouš Konečný was discovered quite recently in 2006 and is now gradually being released in a scholarly edition. The main contribution of this study is the analysis of the ties between the commercial printers who printed books for the Unity of Brethren in the early 17th century and this relatively small in number but culturally and socially influential confessional community.
EN
Property basis and economic security of congregations of the Unity of Brethren were not based only on their own property; their economic development was enabled also thanks to favors of religiously allied nobility who provided the Unity of Brethren with means - in the form of various movable endowments and intangible support - for their activities. The provision of tangible and intangible gifts and other privileges, the aim of which was the benefit of the congregations of the Unity of Brethren as well as the actual donors’ benefit, was certified by legal acts, either in the form of a deed or in the form of commemorative entries in town, mayors’ and other types of official books kept in the town or nobility office. Transcriptions of nobility privileges for the congregations of the Unity of Brethren from the territory of southern and south-eastern Moravia are captured in the book of foundations which is deposited in the Akta Braci Czeskich Fund in the State Archive in Poznań. The study addresses diplomatic and content analysis of 89 privileges from the period 1507-1593 that are recorded in the above mentioned book of foundations.
EN
Using an example of the Czech noble Waldstein family, the article addresses an important issue of whether a confession could serve as an element unifying members of a certain noble family or its ancestral branches in the multi-confessional environment in Bohemia in the period preceding the Battle of White Mountain. Based on an analysis of fates and confessional profiling of the individual members of the Waldstein family the article offers a coherent picture of the religious history of the family in the second half of the 16th century and at the beginning of the 17th century. It thus strives to find factors that can, also at the general level, reveal whether a given nobleman professed Catholicism, conservative Utraquism, Utraquism, Lutheranism or the teaching of the Unity of Brethren.
PL
Jedność Braterska (łac. Unitas Fratrum) należy do Kościoła protestanckiego, a jej początki sięgają 1457 roku, kiedy to został założony przez brata Grzegorza w Kunvald w dzisiejszych Czechach Wschodnich. Był to pod względem ilościowym niewielki, ale elitarny kościół, którego najważniejszymi przedstawicielami byli m.in. Petr Chelčický czy Václav Budovec z Budovy. Wśród ważnych członków był także Jan Amos Komenský (1592–1670), który był także ostatnim biskupem Jedności Braterskiej. Nauczanie Jedności Braci opiera się na trzech elementarnych postulatach, a mianowicie na ideale wiary, miłości i nadziei.
EN
Unity of Brethren (Latin Unitas Fratrum) belongs to the Protestant Church and its origin dates back to 1457, when it was founded by Brother Gregory in Kunvald (in present-day Eastern Bohemia). It as a quantitatively small, but elite church, among its most important representatives were, for example, Petr Chelčický or Václav Budovec from Budov. Among other important members was John Amos Comenius (1592–1670), who was also the last bishop of the Unity of Brethren. The teaching of the Unity of Brethren is based on three elementary postulators, namely, the ideal of faith, love and hope.
EN
Small typographic elements such as pilcrows, pointing fingers, and type-ornaments optically separated the typeset and helped the reader to grasp the text. The latter also boosted the aesthetic quality of the printed work. However, whether such material occurs in a book and to what extent varies with time, genre, and printing house. Any specific use reflects not only the typesetter practice but can also indicate the intentions of the particular printer (printing house) or reading habits of the intended readership. Considering that the Brethren bishops carefully scrutinised and supervised every edition printed in their illegal printing house in Ivančice (South Moravia), one can assume a thoughtful and discreet attitude towards the content, likewise the typography. The present study explores the visual practices adopted by the Brethren for the typesetting of hymnbooks, Bibles, and confessions. The aim is to provide a detailed account of the design and function of the Brethren pilcrows and printers’ ornaments based on a typography analysis of all known pieces printed between 1562-1578 on the Brethren press. The results provide strong evidence that the Brethren developed a sophisticated typographical system to strengthen and partly to reform the Brethren liturgy. The unique way of the Brethren for marking stanzas and repetition within the printed hymns using pilcrows and “trefoil” is an entirely new finding. Whatsmore, a comparison of the Brethren’s book with similar production published by the local printers indicates unprecedented precision of the Brethren’s typesetters devoted to the graphic design of the liturgical texts (hymnbooks, Bibles). Considering the extant historical sources, the outcomes presented here indicate a systematic effort to implement a unified order into Brethren liturgy urged by the leading Brethren bishops.
EN
This paper attempts to examine the literary terrain marked out between the end of the 15th century and the year 1553, i.e. the period in which the first true Czech author, Václav Hájek of Libočany, author of the Czech Chronicle (1541), translator and adaptor of several Old Czech works, lived and worked. However, for this it was necessary both to confront some of the basically Marxist views held by mid-20th researchers and to try to incorporate the well-known facts into a higher entity called book culture. One of the period-based dangers of Marxist paleo-Czech studies was the evaluation of literary works on their own or without any interest in the specific nature of the communication process or the artistic and workmanlike aspects of publication, distribution and reading technique. One of the parameters of book culture is the readers' reception of texts, which enables a readership community to be formed and cultivated. Book printing in Bohemia and Moravia played a much smaller role in this process than we have previously presumed, as the foremost church institutions, Prague University representatives and thus the printers themselves did not understand the social impact of book printing and at most thought of it as another form of business. The literary scene was so lacking in writers, translators and potential readers, who were mostly just from the increasingly emancipated middle classes, that books of such typographic standards were not produced in enough numbers to support the habit of quiet reading and thus enable intensive reading to slowly turn into extensive reading. Domestic book printing was greatly affected by the import of books from Germany and the strong scriptographic output of the intelligentsia there.
CS
a3_Většina složek knižní kultury zůstala (pochopitelně s výjimkami) dlouho konzervativně středověká a díky přežívajícím národním genům se orientovala více reformačně než renesančně. Ještě na počátku 16. století tedy celá knižní kultura odrážela myšlenkovou uzavřenost jagellonských Čech a niterný náboženský svět utrakvistů a Jednoty bratrské. Světský akcent počal každodenní diskuse o eucharistii převyšovat až od 30. a 40. let, tedy v době, kterou rozhýbaly jak kulturotvorné záměry Ferdinanda I. Habsburského, tak protihabsburská opozice uvnitř stavovské společnosti. Ukazuje se tak, že pro knižní kulturu, jejíž nosnou páteř tvoří právě literární scéna, pasivní přejímání uměnovědných kategorií 19. století není nadále vhodné. Budoucí diskuse by měly ukázat, nakolik je vhodnější převzetí dynastické periodizace, jejíž vnitřní mezníky (1520, 1547) řídkou množinu renesančních a humanistických jevů knižní kultury pojmou bez problémů.
EN
b2_4) The 1506 Venetian Bible and two Severin Bibles (1529 and 1537) had greated influence on the future development of book culture than the "Melantrichs", which as publication copies are only minor innovations, particularly based on the second Severin of 1537. 5) The typographical aspect of the Brethren editions is not original, but draws on Swiss influence. A strongly inspirational and vital role is played by the Kralice edition at the exegetic, translational and linguistic level, but not with regard to its typographic and graphic decorative contribution. In their time these levels did not influence Czech book culture and were only reflected and used for enlightenment purposes much later. 6) The question whether incunabula and pre-1620 bible editions influenced book culture in this country cannot be answered with a clear negative, but it can be answered with a considerable degree of scepticism. In comparison with ordinary book production, however, their geenrally superior graphic standard clearly facilitated the habit of quiet daily reading to a considerable extent.
CS
a2_4) Pro budoucí vývoj knižní kultury měla Bible benátská 1506 a dvě Severinovy bible 1529 a 1537 větší váhu než takzvané melantrišky, které jsou jen drobně inovovanými edičními kopiemi zejména druhého Severinova vydání 1537. 5) Typografická stránka bratrských edicí není původní, ale těží ze švýcarského vlivu. Životná a silně inspirační role kralických vydání spočívá v rovině exegetické, překladatelské a jazykové, nikoli však v přínosu písmařském a graficko dekoračním. Tyto roviny ve své době českou knižní kulturu neovlivnily a byly reflektovány a osvětově využity až mnohem později. 6) Na otázku, zda prvotiskové a předbělohorské edice biblí ovlivnily tuzemskou knižní kulturu, nelze odpovědět přímo negativně, ale spíše s notnou dávkou skepse. Ve srovnání s běžnou knižní produkcí však jejich povětšinou nadstandardní grafická úroveň k návyku tiché každodenní četby přispěla jistě významně.
EN
a2_However, through the study of book culture, we are becoming convinced that the bourgeoisie began to compensate for the privileges which the monarch had deprived them of through various forms of self-education and self-presentation, by means of which it revived itself from these medieval residuals and at the same time competed with the aristocracy.
EN
This article presents a retrospective view of the activities of six scholars (Josef Hrabák, Jaroslav Kolár, Milan Kopecký, Eduard Petrů, Emil Pražák and Zdeňka Tichá), who between 1956 and 1996 took an interest in the Renaissance and Humanism in the Czech lands. It might appear that the Marxist ideology of the time must inevitably have distorted the researchers’ professionalism to varying degrees, but this article convincingly proves that this was not entirely unavoidable at least for an interpretation of the period between Hussitism and the Battle of the White Mountain, as in 1956, thanks to Hrabák’s “programme”, this research orientation acquired a strong focus on Josef Dobrovský, and thus on a patriotic assessment of the meaning of Czech history, as had been required by the First Republic. Because postwar Communist doctine paradoxically intersected the same milestones as Masaryk’s nation-building programme, based on the ethos of Hus, Palacký and Havlíček, none of the six scholars under review needed to resort to the political vocabulary that was characteristic of the latter half of the 20th century. Marxist ideology required the emphasis to be at best on progressive trends and the people, the latter term being understood ad hoc to mean both the townspeople and the rural population. On the other hand, the religious question was brought down to just the anti-Habsburg and anti-Rome sentiments of the Unity of Brethren, so that politically deferential research into the 16th century must have missed the most valuable aspects, i.e. the reconceptualization of the inherited canon, whereby the patriotic (i.e. the sole correct) interpretation of literary development was enhanced by dual Catholic-Utraquist and all non-conformist literature. The actual term humanism was overused as need required but without a strict definition, implying identification with humanity in the modern sense of the word. Curiously, this interpretational vagueness then allowed the term humanism to be confused with the Renaissance (and vice versa), thus covering the entire period between Hussitism and the White Mountain within these categories. This sleight of hand was based on a Marxist interpretation of Hussitism, which beyond the obvious positive aspects did not allow for an examination of the negative effects of this revolutionary movement on the subsequent development of bourgeois society (in particular). Hence what was known as the first, Hussite Reformation was declared to be the primary basis for the Renaissance and Humanism in the Czech lands. From the 1980s Eduard Petrů devoted himself to an alternative conception of Humanism. Its alternative and seemingly apolitical nature stemmed from the fact that this conception was not associated with the politically topical interpretation of Hussitism, but then in contrast the Humanism of the Czech lands was enthusiastically found to include a seemingly special feature known as the information explosion. Basically, however, this was a final stage of Humanism for popular consumption (involving its diffusion and imitation), strongly influenced by the printers’ economic standpoint, and inevitably responding to human knowledge and development in all 16th century European literatures.
EN
a2_However, through the study of book culture, we are becoming convinced that the bourgeoisie began to compensate for the privileges which the monarch had deprived them of through various forms of self-education and self-presentation, by means of which it revived itself from these medieval residuals and at the same time competed with the aristocracy.
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