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EN
The aim of this paper is to outline the emergence of jus cogens in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties by analyzing its preparatory works for the Convention and the evolution of the concept itself. The analysis of the foundations of jus cogens norms, both expressed by jurists engaged in the theory and practice of international law before the Vienna Convention was concluded and by the authors of that treaty, is crucial to the proper description and application of the concept of jus cogens in the contemporary international law.
EN
This article analyses the practice of the Polish administrative courts with respect to application of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, based on a case study of the judgment of the Voivodship Administrative Court in Warsaw of 6 May 2014 (case no. II SA/Wa 117/14), which concerned the recognition of distance learning degrees awarded by Ukrainian universities pursuant to the 1972 Prague Convention. It is argued herein that the reasoning of the court suffers from four major drawbacks: 1) it is at variance with the text, object and purpose of the Prague Convention; 2) it does not take into account the practice in the application of that treaty; 3) it misinterprets the silence of the preparatory work to the Prague Convention on certain issues; and 4) it is inconsistent with international judicial decisions as regards the interpretation of the “special meaning” of one of the terms used in the Convention.
EN
Article 53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is a codification of jus cogens norms of international law. The purpose of this provision is to enable peremptory norms to be identified without including examples of them or a catalogue of such norms in the treaty. In order for a legal norm to acquire a peremptory status, it must meet the sociological, normative and axiological criteria set out by the Convention. A legal norm that acquires a jus cogens status must already exist and derive from a particular source of international law. It is only through its adoption and recognition as jus cogens that it acquires its special status.
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EN
From time to time, there is a proposal in the public debate in Poland to break the 1993 concordat, and this has also recently been the case. However, in the current systemic and political reality of contemporary Poland, the issue of the invalidity or expiry of the Polish concordat is one purely for theoretical (academic) discussion. It is worth analyzing this through the prism of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. The only hypothetical grounds for an annulment of the 1993 Concordat would be the allegation that it was concluded in violation of Art. 46 of the Vienna Convention, i.e. in breach of the rules of national law concerning the competence to conclude a treaty of fundamental importance. The Government of the Republic of Poland did not raise this objection within a reasonable time. There are also no circumstances that could constitute obvious reasons for considering the Polish concordat of 1993 as expired. One might try to defend the position that the concordat may be terminated unilaterally, despite the fact that it does not contain an appropriate clause in this regard. It can be compared to a friendship treaty. Such contracts are, by their very nature, subject to termination. It also seems that if need be, the Polish side might be able to terminate the concordat due to a fundamental change in circumstances, e.g. by referring to the rapidly progressing secularization process of Polish society. A very serious barrier to the termination of the concordat by the Polish side is the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. In Art. 25 sec. 4 it provides for the obligation to define the relations between the state and the Catholic Church, especially in the form of an international agreement with the Holy See. The hypothetical termination of the 1993 concordat would require prior appropriate amendment of Poland’s constitution and the consent of a number of state bodies. In the current legal situation in Poland, the termination of the treaty with the Vatican is very difficult in procedural terms, and is politically unrealistic.
PL
Prof. dr Remigiusz Beneyto Berenguer, profesor prawa wyznaniowego na Uniwersytecie Kardynała Herrery w Walencji, od 2015 r. członek Królewskiej Akademii Jurysprudencji i Legislacji, w opracowaniu złożonym z trzech artykułów, analizuje programy wyborcze partii politycznych prezentowane w związku z wyborami generalnymi w grudniu 2015 r. w odniesieniu do zagadnień wolności religijnej, zasad kierunkowych hiszpańskiego prawa wyznaniowego, a zwłaszcza ich stosunku do obowiązujących układów ze Stolicą Apostolską. W pierwszym artykule – dotyczącym spraw osobowości prawnej kościelnych jednostek organizacyjnych, regulowanej między innymi w układach parcjalnych z 1979 r. – po wprowadzeniu (I), ukazuje ich walor prawny (II); wskazuje na formułę konkordatową jako normę podstawową w Europie, także tej współczesnej (III). Analizując stanowiska partii względem zagadnień prawnych regulowanych we wspomnianych układach (IV), dochodzi do konkluzji (V), że programy Partii Ludowej oraz Partii Obywateli nie czynią żadnych odniesień do przedmiotowych układów, pozostałe zaś postulują ich wypowiedzenie przez rząd, bez liczenia się z art. 27 Konwencji wiedeńskiej o prawie traktatów, czy art. 96.2 Konstytucji (że przy wypowiadaniu umów międzynarodowych należy zachować procedurę ich ratyfikowania, wg art. 94) i art. 94.1 domagającego się zgody Parlamentu, gdyż traktaty te dotyczą prawa wolności religijnej. Podkreśla, że postulujący zapominają, iż wypowiedzenie umów z Kościołem katolickim pociągnęłoby konieczność wypowiedzenia umów z Federacją Ewangelickich Gmin Wyznaniowych w Hiszpanii, Federacją Gmin Żydowskich oraz z Komisją Islamską z Hiszpanii z 1992 r. Poza tym, proponowana akcja nie byłaby zrozumiała na forum międzynarodowym, jeśli większość państw Unii Europejskiej reguluje stosunki z Kościołem katolickim na drodze umów międzynarodowych, biorąc pod uwagę uznany fakt osobowości prawnej Stolicy Apostolskiej. Natomiast dla samego Kościoła katolickiego postulowana zmiana stanowiłaby zagrożenie dla swobody działania, wykonywania funkcji nauczycielskiej i jurysdykcyjnej, związanych z jego misją. Zwłaszcza przy proponowanym decydowaniu o tym, co jest „religijne”, a co nie jest, przez administrację rządową.
EN
Prof. Remigiusz Beneyto Berenguer PhD, professor of law on religion at the University Cardinal Herrera of Valencia, since 2015 member of the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation, in the paper composed of three articles, analyzed the election programs of political parties presented due to the general elections in December 2015 with regard to the issues of religious freedom, the principles of the Spanish law on religion, and particularly their relation to the agreements in force with the Holy See. In the first article – concerning issues of legal personality of ecclesiastical organization units regulated in partial agreements in 1979 – after the introduction (I) he shows the legal value (II); indicates a concordat as a basic norm in Europe, including the contemporary one (III). Analyzing the position of the parties in relation to the legal issues regulated in the agreements (IV) he comes to the conclusion (V) that the programs of the People’s Party and the Citizens’ Party do not make any reference to these agreements, while other postulate their termination by the government, without taking into consideration the Art. 27 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, or Art. 96.2 of the Constitution (according to Art. 94 the procedure of the termination of international agreements should be the same as for their ratification) and Art. 94.1 demanded the Parliament’s consent, because the agreements concern the right of religious freedom. The Author emphasizes that those who postulate forget that the termination of agreements with the Catholic Church, would create the need to terminate their agreements with the Federation of Evangelical Religious Entities of Spain, the Federation of Jewish Communities and the Islamic Commission of Spain from 1992. Furthermore, the proposed action would not be understood in the international forum, if the majority of the European Union countries regulate their relations with the Catholic Church by the international agreements, taking into account the legal personality of the Holy See. For the Catholic Church the postulates will pose the threat to the freedom of action, perform the duties of teaching and jurisdiction related to its mission. Especially if the government will decide what is “religious” and what is not.
ES
En el trabajo (de tres articulos) se da cuenta de los programas de algunos partidos políticos, se analizan sus propuestas sobre las relaciones entre el Estado y la Iglesia Católica. Con esta premisa se vislumbra cuál puede ser el futuro de los Acuerdos Iglesia-Estado, reflexionando sobre la viabilidad y sensatez de estas propuestas a la luz de los principios informadores del Derecho Eclesiástico español, y teniendo en cuenta los derechos fundamentales del individuo y de las comunidades. El trabajo finaliza con las propuestas de actuación futura siguientes: Frente al laicismo antirreligioso, laicidad positiva; frente a la uniformidad, igualdad; frente a reformas unilaterales, revitalizar la cooperación.
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