Search results

1

Authorities and Society vs. Financial Crime in the Gomułka Period in Poland

100%

Jarosz D.

Studia Historiae Oeconomicae

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2016

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vol. 34

63-84

EN

The pivotal motive behind financial crime in the real socialist states was the chronic shortage of goods and services. In the case of Poland under the Gomułka administration (1956-1970), a factor which contributed to the prevalence of practices considered economically criminal was, ironically, the liberalization of the government in the period following Władysław Gomułka’s rise to power. The procedure of issuing new licenses to private and co-operative manufacturing businesses fostered illegal practices, because the new businesses needed supplies of deficit resources. Private trade businesses struggled with similar problems. The authorities tried to prevent financial crime by concentrating on publishing new laws which allowed heavy punishment for those behind the biggest economic scandals. In this field, the penal policy was shaped by the top authorities of the communist party, and their decisions were binding for the institutions of the justice system. Such decisions of the top authorities of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) were behind the death sentence for Stanisław Wawrzecki, who was charged with fraudulence in meat trade in Warsaw. Poles’ attitude towards financial crime was not clear-cut. One the one hand, in their letters to authorities, many Poles expressed their support for severe punishment for those responsible for the biggest fraud, while others objected towards capital punishment for Wawrzecki. The information we have on the dynamics of confirmed financial crimes does not provide a clear answer whether it was actually related to the severity of the punishments.

2

Podanie Wiktora Hoffmanna do Władysława Gomułki z 1946 roku. Z dziejów polityki personalnej Ministerstwa Ziem Odzyskanych

100%

Syrwid R.

Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie

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2015

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vol. 290

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issue 4

699-710

3

Kierownictwo Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1956–1970. Portret zbiorowy

89%

Szumiło M.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2020

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vol. 127

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issue 2

EN

The article presents the composition of the leadership of the Polish United Workers’ Party, that is the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the Central Committee, in 1956–1970. Next, the twenty-nine persons making up the leadership are portrayed, with an analysis of their social and demographic data: age, place of birth, social background, ethnic origins, and education, as well as their motivations for joining the communist movement and the course of their political career up to their entering the party leadership.

PL

W artykule scharakteryzowano skład osobowy kierownictwa Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, tj. Biura Politycznego i Sekretariatu Komitetu Centralnego, w latach 1956–1970. Następnie nakreślono portret zbiorowy 29 osób tworzących kierownictwo w tym okresie, poddając analizie ich cechy społeczno-demograficzne: wiek, miejsce urodzenia, pochodzenie społeczne i etniczne, wykształcenie oraz motywy akcesu do ruchu komunistycznego i przebieg kariery politycznej do momentu wejścia do kierownictwa partii.

4

Pasterz Kościoła w Polsce, obrońca narodu…

89%

Poniński A.

Studia Włocławskie

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2022

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vol. 24

522-542

EN

The richness of personality and achievements of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński as a Cardinal Primate of Poland cannot be include in one term. The ranges of his activities on various fields, as a man responsible for the Church in Poland, nation’s advocate, spokesman and defender of social needs, judgmental against the domestic and foreign policy of the Polish authorities (because he was careful about Poland’s position), permeated and were complementary for each other during the time he was a Cardinal Primate. Personal intellectual and spiritual features developed in an atmosphere of faith and sense of responsibility towards God. Religious initiatives inspired by him was to serve the good of society and country. In his activities, Cardinal used the sense of religious mission, responsibility for the fates of homeland, primacy of truth and social good. He also take good care of non-believers and his opponents’ salvation.

PL

Bogactwo osobowości i dokonań kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego jako Prymasa Polski nie da się zawrzeć w jednym określeniu. Zakresy jego działań na różnych płaszczyznach – odpowiedzialnego za Kościół w Polsce, orędownika narodu, wyraziciela i obrońcy potrzeb społecznych, krytycznego, gdyż zatroskanego o pozycję Polski, wobec polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej władz polskich – przenikały się i uzupełniały w sprawowaniu urzędu prymasa. Osobiste przymioty intelektualne i duchowe w sposób szczególny rozwinęły się w atmosferze wiary i poczuciu odpowiedzialności wobec Boga. Inicjatywy religijne przez niego inspirowane już w swoim założeniu miały służyć dobru społeczeństwa i państwa. W swojej działalności kierował się stale poczuciem misji religijnej, odpowiedzialnością za losy ojczyzny, prymatem prawdy i dobra społecznego, a troską o zbawienie obejmował także niewierzących i swoich przeciwników.

5

Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa a Trzeci Świat. Przełom z roku 1956

89%

Tebinka J.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2023

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vol. 41

|

issue 1

13-25

EN

Except for the Korean War and the Indochina conflict, during the Stalinist period, the non-European scene was of little interest to Warsaw. Political changes in Moscow and Warsaw in 1956 led to the political and economic opening of the PRL to non-communist Third World countries. It was considered a priority in Warsaw, in line with USSR policy, to develop good relations with India, Myanmar, Egypt and Afghanistan, followed by Syria and Indonesia. The rise in the international standing of PRL as a result of October 1956 facilitated Warsaw’s contacts with Third World countries, most of which were not interested in “building socialism” in its Soviet version, but wanted economic and military aid from the Kremlin. Support for national liberation movements in the colonies was one of the foreign policy goals of PRL. Władysław Gomułka, however, was pragmatic when it came to establishing contacts with countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, and restrained in terms of providing them with economic aid.

PL

W okresie stalinowskim scena pozaeuropejska nie była przedmiotem większego zainteresowania Warszawy, poza wojną koreańską i konfliktem indochińskim. Zmiany polityczne w Moskwie i w Warszawie w 1956 r. przyniosły polityczne i gospodarcze otwarcie PRL na niekomunistyczne kraje Trzeciego Świata. Za priorytet uznano w Warszawie, zgodnie z polityką ZSRR, rozwijanie dobrych stosunków z Indiami, Birmą, Egiptem i Afganistanem, a w drugiej kolejności z Syrią i Indonezją. Wzrost pozycji międzynarodowej PRL w wyniku Października ’56 ułatwiał Warszawie kontakty z krajami Trzeciego Świata, które w większości nie były zainteresowane „budowaniem socjalizmu” w wydaniu sowieckim, natomiast chciały uzyskać od Kremla pomoc gospodarczą i wojskową. Wsparcie dla ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych w koloniach było jednym z celów polityki zagranicznej PRL. Władysław Gomułka wykazywał się jednak pragmatyzmem, jeśli chodzi o nawiązywanie kontaktów z państwami Azji, Ameryki Łacińskiej i Afryki, był też powściągliwy w udzielaniu im pomocy gospodarczej.

6

Publicystyka Heleny Lemańskiej – przypadek Polskiej Kroniki Filmowej w latach 1949–1967

89%

Jędrzejski Ł.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

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2022

|

issue 1(12)

123-144

EN

The Polish Film Chronicle in the times of mass information falling in the years after the end of World War II gave the opportunity to formulate a message addressed to specific groups of recipients. Its reception was one of the components of the life of social groups and individual recipients who could become addicted to watching the message formulated by the aforementioned medium. The chronicle, which was part of the mass media system, had a direct impact on its recipients in the processes of socialization of education and self-education. PKF became and remains an interesting source of knowledge about the functioning of the People’s Republic of Poland. It is also an extremely valuable film document reflecting the style of the political discourse of the time, moreover, it is a historical document that allows to reproduce the features of the then styles of political press journalism.

PL

Polska Kronika Filmowa w czasach umasowienia informacji przypadających na lata po zakończeniu II wojny światowej dawała możliwość formułowania przekazu skierowanego do konkretnych grup odbiorców. Jej recepcja należała do części składowych życia grup społecznych i odbiorców indywidualnych, którzy mogli uzależnić się od oglądania przekazu formułowanego przez wspomniane medium. Kronika będąca elementem systemu mediów masowych miała bezpośredni wpływ na jej odbiorców w procesach socjalizacji edukowania i samoedukowania. PKF stała się i pozostaje nadal interesującym źródłem wiedzy o funkcjonowaniu PRL. Stanowi również niezwykle cenny dokument filmowy odwzorowujący styl ówczesnego dyskursu politycznego, ponadto jest dokumentem historycznym pozwalającym odwzorować cechy ówczesnych stylów prasowej publicystyki politycznej.

7

Dyskurs polityczny w Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej na łamach tygodnika „Zwierciadło”. Przypadek sporu o Tysiąclecie Państwa Polskiego

89%

Jędrzejski Ł.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

|

2020

|

issue 2(9)

70-93

PL

Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie formułowanego przez władze partyjne Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej dyskursu politycznego w okresie Sporu o Tysiąclecie Państwa Polskiego na łamach ważnego ówcześnie tytułu prasowego jakim było „Zwierciadło”. Pytania badawcze sformułowane w tekście odnosiły się do następujących kwestiach (1) Jakie specyficzne cechy posiadał profil prasowy periodyku? (2) Jakie specyficzne idiolekty językowe i słowa sztandarowe występowały w przekazie prasowym w trakcie uroczystości Tysiąclecia? (3) Jakie formy gatunkowe dominowały w formułowanym przekazie prasowym?

EN

The purpose of the article is to present the political discourse formulated by the party authorities of the Polish People's Republic during the Dispute over the Millennium of the Polish State in the then-important press title which was "The Mirror". Research questions formulated in the text referred to the following issues (1) What specific features did the press's magazine have? (2) What specific language idiolects and banner words were present in the press during the Millennium Celebration? (3) What genres dominated the formulated press release?

8

Obraz wyborów do Sejmu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej w 1957 r. w publicystyce „Kobiety i Życia”

89%

JĘDRZEJSKI Ł.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

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2019

|

issue 2(7)

77-93

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie komunikacyjnych wizji wyborów do Sejmu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej w 1957 r. na łamach ważnego kanału treści społecznych i politycznych, jakim był periodyk „Kobieta i Życie”. Uwagę badawczą skupiono na następujących kwestiach: (1) Jakie specyficzne cechy miał profil prasowy badanego periodyku? (2) Jakie specyficzne idiolekty językowe i słowa sztandarowe występowały w przekazie prasowym w trakcie kampanii wyborczej do Sejmu PRL na przełomie 1956/1957 r.? (3) Jakie formy gatunkowe dominowały w formułowanym przekazie prasowym?

EN

The purpose of the article is to present the communicative image of the elections to the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic in 1957 in the important channel of social and political content of the “Kobieta i Życie” [Woman and Life] journal. It was worth focusing the research attention on the following issues: (1) What specific features did the press profile of the periodical in question have? (2) What specific language idiolects and banner words were present in the press during the election campaign to the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic at the turn of 1956/1957? (3) What genre forms dominated in press releases?

9

Images of the Western and Northern Territories in the Polish Film Chronicle in 1944-1948

88%

Jędrzejski ł.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2023

|

issue Special Issue 2023

161-186

EN

The aim of this article is to present the images created for political communication by the editorial team of the Polish Film Chronicle (PKF), an important means of transmission of political content. The hypothesis adopted in the research was that in post-war Poland, the PKF became an important component of propaganda activities carried out by the state. Alongside the press and the radio, it was an important tool of political influence in relations between the state authorities and the public. The study uses the techniques of exegesis and media analysis, together with the systemic analysis method. It shows that the PKF’s political communication contained a whole set of meanings, values and principles that played an important role in the media and political message concerning Poland’s Western and Northern Territories and influenced the creation of their image. The pictures of the Western and Northern Territories presented by the PKF’s editors were a component of the political communication process, whose final effect was to legitimise the actions of the post-war state authorities. The incorporation of new territories into the “Motherland” symbolised the cohesion of the nation and the state. The glory of historical events related to the Western and Northern Territories, referred to in the messages communicated by the PKF, and the construction of a new symbolic and cultural order were characterised by political intentionality and trivial indoctrination. The consistent reference to the myth of Piast Poland with regard to the Western and Northern Territories had a compensatory function after the loss of the Eastern Borderlands of the Republic of Poland. The themes of the films shown in the PKF shaped the image of the Western and Northern Territories and contained elements of the anti-war, anti-German, patriotic, national and popular propaganda so desired by the state authorities. The content of the PKF fostered the Polonisation of the memory concerning the end of the war and its consequences, and strove to magnify the achievements of the glorious tradition of the Polish nation in viewers’ eyes.

10

Obrazy Ziem Zachodnich i Północnych w Polskiej Kronice Filmowej w latach 1944-1948

88%

Jędrzejski Ł.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

|

issue 1 (378)

73-95

EN

The aim of the article is to present the images of the political communication created by the editorial team of the Polish Film Chronicle (PKF), an important means of transmission of political contents. In the research considerations, the hypothesis was adopted that in post-war Poland, the PKF became an important component of propaganda activities carried out by the state. Apart from the press and the radio, it was an important tool of political influence in the state authority- society relations. The article uses the technique of exegesis and media analysis. The system analysis method was also used. The study has shown that the political communication of the PKF contained a whole set of meanings, values and principles that played an important role in the media and political message concerning Western and Northern Territories in Poland and influenced the creation of their image. The pictures of the Western and Northern Territories presented by the editorial team of the PKF were a component of the political communication process, of which the final effect was to legitimize the actions of the post-war state authorities. Joining new territories to the "Motherland" symbolized the cohesion of the nation and the state. The glory of historical events related to the Western and Northern Territories, referred to in the communication messages of the PKF, and the construction of a new symbolic and cultural order were characterized by political intentionality and trivial indoctrination. The consistent reference to the myth of the Piast Poland with regards to the Western and Northern Territories had a compensatory function after the loss of the Eastern Borderlands of the Republic of Poland. The subject of the films included in the PKF shaped the image of the Western and Northern Territories and contained elements of anti-war, anti-German, patriotic, national and popular propaganda desired by the state authorities. The content of the PKF fostered the Polonization of the memory concerning the end of the war and its consequences, and strove to increase the achievements of the glorious tradition of the Polish nation in viewers’ eyes.

11

The Polish Church and the “Thaw” of 1956

75%

Wenklar M.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2019

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vol. 9

|

issue 2

69-90

EN

The process of “thaw”, developing in Poland after the death of Joseph Stalin, for a long time did not include the aspect of religious freedom. Demands to restore the possibility of free worship, teaching religious education, and, above all, the release of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, were always present in the society, as evidenced by school strikes or slogans appearing during the Poznań events of June 1956. The changes of October 1956, initiated by the 8th plenary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, led to an improvement in state-Church relations and implementation of the most important postulates of the Church, including the return of the Primate to Warsaw, the reinstatement of religious education in schools, and the return of chaplains to prisons and hospitals. The authorities, however, did not treat the above as part of a binding agreement. As early as in the 1957 and 1958 activities restricting the functioning of the Church began. The symbolic markings of the process were the attack on the Primate’s Institute at Jasna Góra in 1958 and the withdrawal of consent for the construction of the church in Kraków’s Nowa Huta. Finally, in 1961, religious education was removed from schools, and in 1962 a separate department of the Security Service was established for the sole purpose of the fight against religion. Although the practices of the Stalinist period did not make their comeback, the 1956 thaw appeared to be only a short episode in a constant conflict between the communist state and the Roman Catholic Church.

12

The Polish Church and the “Thaw” of 1956

71%

Wenklar M.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

|

2019

|

vol. 9

|

issue 2

PL

The process of “thaw”, developing in Poland after the death of Joseph Stalin, for a long time did not include the aspect of religious freedom. Demands to restore the possibility of free worship, teaching religious education, and, above all, the release of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, were always present in the society, as evidenced by school strikes or slogans appearing during the Poznań events of June 1956. The changes of October 1956, initiated by the 8th plenary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, led to an improvement in state-Church relations and implementation of the most important postulates of the Church, including the return of the Primate to Warsaw, the reinstatement of religious education in schools, and the return of chaplains to prisons and hospitals. The authorities, however, did not treat the above as part of a binding agreement. As early as in the 1957 and 1958 activities restricting the functioning of the Church began. The symbolic markings of the process were the attack on the Primate’s Institute at Jasna Góra in 1958 and the withdrawal of consent for the construction of the church in Kraków’s Nowa Huta. Finally, in 1961, religious education was removed from schools, and in 1962 a separate department of the Security Service was established for the sole purpose of the fight against religion. Although the practices of the Stalinist period did not make their comeback, the 1956 thaw appeared to be only a short episode in a constant conflict between the communist state and the Roman Catholic Church.

13

Działalność I sekretarza Komitetu Warszawskiego PZPR Stefana Staszewskiego w 1956 roku

71%

Juzepczuk M.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2017

|

issue 29

485-505

EN

Stefan Staszewski, born in 1906 in Warsaw as Gustaw Szuster, was an active member of the Young Communist League of Poland and the Communist Party of Poland, trained from 1926 to 1928 in the International Lenin School in Moscow. He was arrested three times in Poland for communist activity. In 1934, he fled to the USSR, where he was reprimanded for membership in M. Lampe’s group, and then expelled from the AUCP(b) and arrested by the NKVD. He was sentenced to 15 years in a Kolyma Gulag camp. He was released in 1945 thanks to Bolesław Bierut’s intervention, and after coming to Poland, he joined the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) and changed his name to Stefan Staszewski. The Secretary of the PPR Central Committee dispatched him to Katowice to take the position of the secretary for industrial affairs. Soon, he became the editor-in-chief of Trybuna Robotnicza, which achieved considerable success under his management. In 1948, the party leadership gave him the very responsible post of the director of the Department of Press and Publications of the PUWP’s Central Committee. Staszewski changed radically the organizational system of the party press and of the publishing businesses’ activity, and contributed to the development of communist journalism. In 1954, he was dismissed from the post of the Department of Press and Publications’ head and moved to the Ministry of Agriculture. During the thaw, he became a critic of the former party leadership and began to actively aid supporters of reforms. As the First Secretary of the PUWP Warsaw Committee, in October 1956 he organized and supervised rallies at Warsaw universities and work places. During the Eighth Plenary Session of the PUWP Central Committee, he was attacked by activists belonging to the “Natolinian group”. His stance was violently criticised by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, which resulted in his dismissal from the post of secretary of the Warsaw party organization. Staszewski largely contributed to the success of the party reformers and to positive transformations initiated during the Eighth Plenary Session. Having left the PUWP Warsaw Committee, he worked for a short time in the Polish Press Agency. His relationship with new party authorities steadily became worse, which resulted in him being removed from the post of the assistant of the member of PUWP Central Committee. That is why he began to work for the State Scientific Publishers (PWN) in the editorial section of the Great Universal Encyclopaedia. In 1968, party propaganda presented him, together with Roman Zambrowski, as the most dangerous threat to the PRL’s constitutional order. In the 1970s, he maintained close relations with the Workers’ Defence Committee. Under martial law, his flat was searched by the Security Service.

14

Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne

63%

Jasiński Ł.

Zapiski Historyczne

|

2019

|

vol. 84

|

issue 3

123-151

EN

The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.

15

Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne

63%

Jasiński Ł.

|

EN

The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.

16

Statut Biura Specjalnego MBP

62%

Spałek R.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2018

|

issue 32

520-529

PL

W Polsce między 1948 r. a 1956 r. doszło do czystek partyjnych w elitach komunistycznych (PPR–PZPR). Poszukiwania „wrogów wewnętrznych” prowadziła specjalna tajna komórka MBP, początkowo zwana grupą specjalną (1948), następnie Biurem Specjalnym (1950), w końcu Departamentem X MBP (1951–1954). Całość prac tych komórek nadzorował z polecenia kierownictwa PZPR gen. Roman Romkowski (wiceminister MBP). We wstępie artykułu nakreślono krótko historię powstania Biura Specjalnego, wskazano osoby decydujące o lokalnym zasięgu i przebiegu poszukiwań „wrogów wewnętrznych” (m.in. Bolesława Bieruta, Jakuba Bermana, Romana Romkowskego) oraz wspomniano o reprezentatywnych dla całego zagadnienia komunistach (m.in. Władysławie Gomułce, Marianie Spychalskim, Włodzimierzu Lechowiczu, Leonie Gecowie, Hermannie Fieldzie), którzy byli aresztowani, więzieni i przesłuchi wani pod fałszywymi zarzutami zdrady, współpracy z obcymi wywiadami, dążenia do przewrotu ustrojowego w Polsce Ludowej. Publikowany w dalszej części dokument ukazuje moment przemiany niesformalizowanej, tajnej grupy specjalnej MBP, działającej pod kierownictwem płk. Józefa Różańskiego, w sformalizowaną, wyposażoną w etaty, choć nadal niejawną jednostkę – Biuro Specjalne, zarządzaną przez płk. Anatola Fejgina. Struktura ta funkcjonowała niespełna dwa lata, ponieważ rozrastający się terror autoagresywny wymagał kolejnej reorganizacji tajnej struktury. Nowo powołany Departament X MBP objął swoim zasięgiem cały kraj.

EN

Party cleansing in the communist elites (PWP-PUWP) took place in Poland between 1948 and 1956. The search for “internal enemies” was conducted by a special secret unit of the MPS, initially called a special group (1948), then the Special Office (1950), and finally Department X of the MPS (1951–1954). Work of these units was supervised by Gen. Roman Romkowski (deputy minister at the MPS) by order of the management of the Polish United Workers’ Party. The introduction of the article briefly outlines the history of the establishment of the Special Office, indicates the persons deciding on the local scope and course of the search for “internal enemies” (including Bolesław Bierut, Jakub Berman, Roman Romkowski) and mentions communists representative of the whole issue (inter alia, Władysław Gomułka, Marian Spychalski, Włodzimierz Lechowicz, Leon Gecow, Hermann Field), who were arrested, imprisoned and interrogated under false allegations of treason, cooperation with foreign intelligence, striving for a systemic coup in “Polska Ludowa.” The document published further shows the moment of transformation of the non-formalised, secret special group of the MPS, operating under the direction of Col. Józef Różański, into a formalised, still secret, unit with fulltime employees – the Special Office, managed by Col. Anatol Fejgin. This structure was functioning for less than two years because the growing auto-aggressive terror required another reorganisation of the secret structure. The newly established Department X of the MPS covered the entire country.

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