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1

Paszkwil na śmierć haniebną jako narzędzie walki ideologicznej w Rzeczypospolitej pierwszej połowy XVII wieku

100%
Bartnik A.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2012
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vol. 60
|
issue 2
184-197
EN
The article analyses an anonymous text about the death of Andrzej Lipski of the Grabie coat of arms (1572-1631) http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herb, the bishop of Cracow and the chancellor of the Crown, one of the most influential politicians at the times of Sigismund III Vasa, an ardent supporter of the king and of the clergy’s struggle for tithes. The single surviving copy of the text was found in the records of the court of Krzysztof II Radziwiłł, the great hetman of Lithuania and the Vilnius voivode, the leader of Lithuanian protestants. The author of the article traces the origin of the text, trying to discover the motifs behind its publication and connections with historical facts. She also describes its literary form, which indicates that it was intended as a pasquinade. In conclusion she hypothesises that this and similar descriptions of disgraceful death could have been used in ideological struggles, in this case between the dissident opposition and Sigismund III’s court party.
2

Pogrzeb szlachetnego Kaspra Wyleżyńskiego w Wieluniu w 1651 roku

80%
Kamler M.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
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2012
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vol. 60
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issue 2
283-288
EN
The article concerns the documentation of the costs of the funeral of Kasper Wyleżyński, preserved in the court archives of the Sieradz province. The nobleman, who died in Wieluń, lived out his days there, attended only by his housekeeper, maids and a farmhand. His family, originating from Great Poland, belonged to the middle class of the nobility and never aspired to higher offices than that of a parliament member. The document, published in the appendix to the article, contains information on the quality and prices of the goods purchased in connection with the funeral, on the cost of materials and services necessary to perform the funeral, on donations and alms for Church institutions and on the funeral ceremony itself.
3
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A nostro domestico – o anonymitě jezuitských umělců v písemných pramenech

80%
Oulíková P.
Folia historica Bohemica
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2011
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vol. 26
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issue 2
417-435
EN
The article comments on documents written by the Jesuits and their testifying value for the history of fine art, particularly in understanding artistic and handicraft activities of the Society of Jesus. This order excelled in an exceptionally large number of artists such as builders, painters, sculptors, wood-carvers or organ makers.
4

Legaty pieniężne i rzeczowe na rzecz instytucji kościelnych w testamentach duchownych z diecezji płockiej w XVII wieku

80%
Główka D.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
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vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
408-414
EN
Among many bequests included in testaments, following from the wish to settle one’s worldly affairs and share out one’s property, there were the so-called religious legacies. They concerned various elements of personal property: valuable objects, livestock, crops and money, which were bequeathed to Church institutions or congregations. It should be stressed that 17th-century testaments rarely specified the motifs of bequeathing property to Church institutions by clergymen. It seems that the motifs were so obvious that they were not considered worth mentioning. Legacies of that type may have been conventional and customary among the clergy. It was common, however, to specify the purpose of the legacy. In the testaments analysed there were 37 mentions of Gregorian masses, 13 of anniversary masses, 2 of alms. There are also legacies described by various terms but meant to pay for prayers for the testator, to finance repairs of churches or to buy liturgical paraphernalia (named “pro fabrica”). The last category was most numerous in the documents examined, amounting to 42 legacies. The purposes of such legacies were often described very generally, but sometimes they were specified more precisely, for instance building a belfry, repairing a church roof or founding an organ. In most cases, however, the money bequeathed was left at the disposal of the parish. The second most common type of legacy concerned paying for 30 day-after-day masses for the testator. The sums left for that purpose were between 10 to 100 zloties, but in most cases they did not exceed 30 zloties. Masses were usually celebrated at convent churches. Legacies of that type were usually made by priests of lower rank (altarists, curates or parish priests). Bequests to parish churches were mostly made by local priests. The same concerns legacies left to religious fraternities in Płock, Pułtusk and other towns. Legacies were also made to neighbouring parishes. The documents analysed reflect the impact of convents on parish clergy. Most legacies (40) were left to the Bernardine friars (Observants); less popular beneficiaries were the Jesuits, the Reformati and the Carmelites. The connections between convents and lay clergy did not exceed the range of 50 km. Among less common bequests were those of grain, livestock and woollen cloth (7 cases). Worth mentioning are also legacies to hospitals, which inherited sums reaching up to 10 zloties from 8 testators in 6 parishes. The most privileged beneficiaries were the hospitals of St Lazarus and of the Holy Spirit in Pułtusk. To conclude, it should be stressed that the religious legacies of Płock diocese clergy in the 17th c. had two dimensions: the spiritual one, regarding departing this life and the testator’s wish to ensure that he will be prayed for by the living, and the worldly one connected with property and the intangible sphere of the testator’s relationships with other clergymen.
5

Testament Stanisława Tarnowskiego, pisarza żup wielickich

80%
Gołąb M.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
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2011
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vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
304-312
EN
The article explores the testament of Stanisław Tarnowski, a Wieliczka mine clerk, and the testator’s biography. The testament, a previously unexplored source available in the Central Archives of Historical Records, can help in reconstructing Tarnowski’s life. The data from the testament were supplemented with information from other sources, for instance the Councillor book of the town of Warsaw. Stanisław Tarnowski came from moderately rich gentry from Stara Nieszawa. In 1505 he enrolled at Cracow University, where he got the degree of bachelor of liberal arts; he also studied at the Medical College, but did not graduate. Since 1509 he worked as a clerk in the salt mine in Wieliczka; in 1518 by the order of the mine supervisor, Jan Boner, he prepared the first part of the document that is now known as A description of the Cracow salt mines, being also responsible for the editing of the whole text. In 1518 he left Cracow, moving to Warsaw, where he became the town’s citizen in 1521, with most illustrious members of the patriciate being his guarantors. He died soon after that. Tarnowski left a testament containing an extensive list of immovable properties and a list of people connected with him in some way. An analysis of the list of people mentioned in the testament as legatees or executors indicates that Tarnowski’s connections with Warsaw must have been much more stable and long-lasting than it is reflected in other sources. Attaining the status of the town’s citizen by the nobleman connected with salt trade can be considered as the culmination of his career, although it can be supposed that he would have achieved even more if not for his early death. Tarnowski’s last will brings interesting data on both the affluence of those who aspired to the patriciate of Warsaw and the broad horizons of this group, which are evident from bequeathing significant sums to particular charitable institutions. The probate inventory, especially the list of garments, is particularly valuable as it can be confronted with iconographic sources. It indicates clearly that Tarnowski attached great significance to his garments, which allows a historian to look at him from a fresh and very interesting perspective.
6

Testament wikariusza knyszyńskiego Andrzeja Neapolitanusa z 1594 roku

80%
Gołaszewski Ł.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
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2012
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vol. 60
|
issue 2
257-270
EN
The article discusses the testament of the curate of the Catholic parish in Knyszyn in the Podlasie region, made in 1594 as an oral statement before appropriate municipal officials and later recorded in the town book. The description of the Latin source is supplemented with its translation to Polish. It is worth noting that the first item listed by the testator was his private collection of almost twenty books, comprising foreign prints from the late 15th c. and the first half of the 16th c., as well as newer Polish publications. Considering what is known from the literature on the status of clergy in other parts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, his other movables and debts indicate that his financial standing was typical of lower clergy. The analysis of the relevant regulations of the Magdeburg Code and Canon Law confirms that his testament was valid. The origin of the testator could not be established. He might have been connected with the court of Chancellor Jan Zamoyski, in which an important position was held by Mikołaj Kislicki of Lviv, the parish priest in Knyszyn, and later the dean of the chapter of the collegiate church in Zamość. A book collection like the one described in the article could rather be expected to belong to a higher-status clergyman. The testament is an interesting evidence of prints being available in a little provincial town of the Commonwealth at the end of the 16th c. Appended to the article is an edition of the document analysed.
7

Testament jako źródło do badań nad piśmiennością mieszczańską w późnym średniowieczu

80%
Bartoszewicz A.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
293-303
EN
A testament is by its very nature an evidence of a literate culture. Regardless of the social and legal factors that shaped the custom of recording one’s last will in writing, its emergence was only possible in those communities in which writing was a tool of everyday communication and work. Therefore, registering and cataloguing surviving testaments, as well as analysing their content, is very important for research on the literacy of burghers. Vital information can be inferred from studying the ways of authenticating burgher testaments and the institutions that were involved in that process, since there is much variety in this area. Burghers’ last wills could be written down as notarial deeds; they could also be private documents or documents issued by the town council. They could be authorised by being recorded in the town council register or in the consistory register. Bigger town kept separate records of testaments. On the one hand, testaments show the increased role of writing in burghers’ life, on the other – writing down a testament and dividing the legacy started bureaucratic procedures, necessitated decisions and settlements made before municipal offices, bringing in contact with them people who had never needed their services. It is particularly interesting to observe contacts between burghers and municipal offices from various towns. Records from the oldest surviving municipal registers of small and medium towns (from the beginning of the 15th c.) indicate that the custom of writing down one’s last will contributed to the development of literacy among burghers. The most interesting data on the literacy of the community represented by testators can be drawn from the content of particular testaments. The analysis primarily concerns the forms used for testaments. Very valuable information can also be inferred from the type and character of documents kept in burgher archives. Significant clues are also found in all, even very laconic, mentions about burghers’ libraries. Equally important are those testaments that testify to burghers’ financial, family and social contacts with people earning their living through mental work (clerks, notaries, teachers, etc.). Very interesting for a historian of literacy are testaments written down by municipal clerks. The testament is undoubtedly an important element of burghers’ literacy, with the word ‘element’ playing a key role. While reading a particular last will, we always have to consider whether and to what extent it is a part of a larger output; we also have to ask whether the source analysed is really the final settlement of one’s worldly affairs or only a part of it. Such a reflection is necessary especially when we deal with testaments of representatives of burgher élite, who had wide family and business connections and who used writing in their everyday life: merchants, officials, notaries and clerks.
8

Dobroczynne i religijne legaty lwowskich mieszczan w świetle ich testamentów z lat 1550-1700

80%
Karpiński A.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
363-378
EN
The article is based on 630 testaments from Lvov from the second half of the 16th c. and the 17th c., which indicate that Lvov burghers often made donations to churches, monasteries, religious fraternities and hospitals. The analysis concerned 952 legacies of money, or movable and immovable properties, which were less frequently bequeathed. It was found that 63.7% of money bequests were left to churches and monasteries, while 15% to poorhouses. With time poorhouses were donated to less frequently, which was connected with the waning of the mediaeval attitude to the poor, as well as with the popularisation of the new forms of religious devotion after the Council of Trent. In contrast, since the first half of the 17th c. more and more bequests were left to religious fraternities and particular chapels and altars. In the years 1551-1700 Lvov burghers bequeathed money to almost 100 religious or charitable institutions, including 6 hospitals, 43 Catholic churches, Orthodox churches and monasteries, 20 fraternities and 30 particular chapels and altars. The largest number of legacies, 85, was left to the Bernardine friars (Observants); among the most popular beneficiaries were also the Dominicans (55 legacies) and the Franciscans (53 legacies). Throughout the period in question many legacies were also left to the Metropolitan Cathedral, the parish church of Our Lady of the Snows, and the St Stanisław and the Holy Spirit hospitals. An analysis of almost a thousand money bequests showed that over 1/3 of them were of small value, equivalent to less than 200 grams of silver. More valuable legacies, equivalent to more than 1 kg of silver, constituted only 19.8% of the total value of money bequests; their number increased in the 17th c. This might have been connected with the policy of the Church, which called for substantial, not only symbolic support for concrete institutions. Table 3, which summarises the legacies left to the most popular churches, monasteries and hospitals, shows that in the period considered those institutions received means equivalent to almost 700 kg of silver. The largest proportion of this value, over 203 and a half kg of silver, went to the Lvov Metropolitan Cathedral; over 50 kg of silver was bequeathed to the Holy Spirit Hospital, and to several monasteries, fraternities, altars and chapels. A comparison of Lvov burgher testaments with data on other major Polish cities (Cracow, Poznań, Lublin) reveals many analogies, which result from a general change of the model of religiousness in Polish society induced by the Council of Trent.
9

Testamenty mieszkańców małych miast wielkopolskich z XVII wieku

80%
Głowacka-Penczyńska A.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
380-393
EN
The article concerns testaments of inhabitants of 13 small towns in Great Poland from the 17th c. The source basis comprises 852 last wills written down in the years 1601-1700. The towns examined had populations of under 2000 inhabitants, but they had significant economic functions. The list includes important centres of craftsmanship. For example, Kłecko, Gostyń, Poniec and Rydzyna produced woollen cloth and linen not only for the local market. The towns in question thrived thanks to being situated along the vital trade routes connecting Silesia with Prussia, Lithuania and Russia. Among important commercial centres, especially known for grain, flour, textile and cattle trade, we should mention Rydzyna, Radziejów and Wolsztyn. Other towns had artisan guilds and held markets and fairs of local import. At the same time, many inhabitants worked on the land. A typical agricultural town was Sulmierzyce. Seventeenth-century testaments had a fairly uniform structure. They comprised an invocation, a preamble, funeral instructions, the disposition of property, lists of debts owned by and to the testator, and instructions for inheritors. Testaments do not contain much information about testators. Apart from the name and surname, they sometimes mention the testator’s profession, marital status and origin. The reason of writing a testament was the expectation that death was near, resulting in a wish to settle one’s worldly affairs, especially financial affairs, and to secure one’s family. The property was divided in order to prevent conflicts between inheritors, lawsuits and wasting the property. The most elaborate part of a testament is the disposition of property. It usually includes legacies left to the closest relatives or other inheritors, bequests to religious and charitable institutions, instructions concerning the funeral and the commemorative ceremony. Bequests included money, immovable property (houses, gardens, orchards, farmland), domestic utensils (furniture, tableware, kitchenware), bed covering and bedlinen, garments, jewellery, weapons, books, farming and craft tools, livestock, food. Testaments also contain very detailed lists of creditors and debtors. Testaments reveal information not only on testators’ property but also on their family relations. They indicate what feelings testators had for their spouses and children and how they tried to secure their future. They also convey thanks to friends, neighbours or servants for love, friendship and help shown in difficult situations.
10

Testamenty kobiet z I księgi konsystorza pułtuskiego z 1509 roku

80%
Starczewska E.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3-4
313-317
EN
The article discusses six women’s testaments from 1509 registered in the first book of the consistory in Pułtusk, which covers the years 1506-1518. The first part presents the testators’ social status and family situation. Three of the testators were noblewomen, two were burghers, in one case the testament does not specify the testator’s social class. Three of the women were married, two were widowed and one was a spinster; none of the testaments mentions any offspring. The testaments were analysed according to a questionnaire based on the fixed elements of such documents, which included: the title and invocation, the time, place and circumstances of drawing up the testament, lists of witnesses and executors, entrusting one’s soul and body, and instructions concerning one’s property. With little exceptions, the testaments discussed followed the above scheme. All but one contain a title and invocation, which specify the testator’s place of residence, adding the formula In nomine Domini Amen. All specify the time of writing the document, although the actual formulations differ. In one case, when the testament was drawn up by a notary summoned to the testator’s house, the text specifies the year of the present pope’s pontificate and the hour of its writing. Only three of the testaments name the place where they were drawn up, but all of them specify the circumstances. It is always stressed that the testators are facing death or disease; in four cases it is mentioned that the aim is to prevent disagreements between inheritors. The witnesses were usually chosen among the testator’s equals; in one case only a noblewoman’s testament was authenticated by a peasant. The witnesses and executors were relatives or neighbours, and the executors usually also had a share in the inheritance, which may have influenced their efficiency. All the testaments contain a short formula of entrusting one’s soul, but only four mention funeral arrangements. The testators were primarily concerned about legacies. Particularly important were pious legacies, which are included in five of the testaments. They were aimed at paying for exequies and Gregorian masses, and the beneficiaries were usually the testators’ parish churches. Other legacies were meant for relatives, and sometimes servants and friends. All the legacies were left to people living within a close distance of the testators (up to 20 km). The testaments described did not yet have a very elaborate form, also in comparison to men’s last wills from the same year. Only one contained a list of the debts owned by and to the testator, only one included an elaborate dating formula specifying the hour of its drawing up, only half of them specified the place where they were written down, not all contained instructions about the body. Each of them, however, reveals interesting details from the testator’s life and helps to find out what people and institutions were particularly close to her.
11

Dyspozycje pogrzebowe duchowieństwa płockiego w XVII i XVIII wieku

80%
Główka D.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue 2
249-256
EN
In the last wills of the clergymen of the Płock diocese in the 17th and 18th c. funeral dispositions are usually quite general. The issue was rarely elaborated on, which was also characteristic of the testaments of other social classes. The dispositions were usually limited to a few sentences, with formulaic expressions applied. The common opening formula was ‘My sinful body…’, which led to specifying the place of burial, and sometimes the details of the ceremony. Sometimes it was specified what sum the executors were to spend on the funeral and on the post-funeral dinner. Such dispositions are quite similar to dispositions known from the last wills of nobles or burghers. It should be stressed that a disposition was not identical with its execution, which was dependent on the executors’ capabilities. Clergymen often mentioned that they had no money that could cover the cost of the funeral, therefore they bequeathed some livestock (e.g. a cow or an ox) for that purpose. Then the executors had to sell the livestock or to pay for the funeral with their own money. In the basis of many testaments analysed it is possible to construct a prototypical picture of a clergyman’s funeral in the diocese. The executors usually invited priests from the deanery in which the dead priest had his benefice. The grave and the church were specially prepared, which follows indirectly from records of remuneration for masons and sacristans. On the day before the ceremony first masses were said, on the day of the funeral a mass for the dead was celebrated in the presence of the invited clergy. Masses could also be said in other churches. As priests usually wanted to be buried next to their parish churches the body rarely had to be transported. It can be assumed that the corpse was usually dressed in a chasuble or wrapped in a piece of linen and placed in a coffin. The coffin was placed on a catafalque, with candles lit around. After the funeral the guests were invited to dinner. Canons were buried with more ceremony. Their funeral were attended by more priests, the funeral masses was sung and they were often accompanied by bells ringing Parish priests usually chose to be buried in their parish churches, in front of the main altar, motivating such dispositions by asking the parish community to pray for their dead shepherd. Undoubtedly, then, this place was considered most appropriate to bury a parish priest. Sometimes priests chose to be buried in monastery churches or in family graves. A funeral, which in the anthropological sense, according to van Gennep, is one of the rites of passage, in the social circle in question seems to have been reduced to a convention. It is difficult to conclude at this stage of research whether this also concerned the eschatological aspect of the funeral, as death is the first of final things. The testaments suggest that the layer of rites, gestures and symbols concealed the human fear of God, who has ‘lynx’s eyes’, as it was put by Jean Delumeau.
12

Środki transportu w Tallinie w XVIII wieku

80%
Pullat R.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
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2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue 1
49-54
EN
Means of transport are an inseparable part of the material culture of a modern town. The inhabitants of Tallinn in the 18th c. used a wide range of vehicles. They were also well-supplied with appropriate accessories (saddles, horse collars, Krummholz frames). The number of vehicles used depended on the owner’s social position. In the period under consideration among the most popular means of transport were two- or four-wheeled vehicles holding two people, labelled with the French term chaise. In the late 18th c. the inhabitants of Tallinn used numerous peasant sleighs (usually for one person). They also had various vehicles used to transport goods. The article is based on about 500 probate inventories from the 18th c.
13

Koszty podróży i pobytu w Warszawie toruńskich deputowanych na sejm 1767 roku

80%
Dygdała J.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue 3
443-456
EN
The article is based on letters and accounts of the Toruń deputies to the Polish parlament (sejm), regarding their trip to and two-months stay in Warsaw, preserved in the State Archive in Toruń. The deputies – Christian Klosmann, the mayor of Toruń, Georg Adam Reymer, a councillor, and Gottlob Fendler, a secretary – stayed in Leszno (a suburb of Warsaw) in a little manor house rented for 1080 Polish florins. Their expenses connected with the journey and the stay in Warsaw amounted to 10 589.12 Polish zloties. 19.8% of that sum was spent of food. The deputies ate at the neighbouring manor house, paying 144 zloties per week. In addition, they bought a lot of wine (69 bottles for 519 zloties). Coffee and beer were bought less frequently, and milk was supplied once a week. There are five records of purchasing parmesan cheese and one record of purchasing lemons. 15.8% of the total were expenses for renting, heating and lighting the house. 13.3% was spent on wages for three servants and payment for various services (e.g. of the launder, house cleaner and whig-maker). 12.5% of the sum were travelling expenses. The total sum spent for sending the deputies to the 1767 sejm was only a tiny fraction (2.4%) of the income of the town of Toruń, which at that time amounted to 320 000 Polish zlotys.
14

AROUND THE ROYAL TABLE OF JOHN III SOBIESKI (Wokól królewskiego stolu Jana III Sobieskiego)

80%
Próba M., Truscinski L.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 1
25-40
EN
Since 1974 the Central Archive of Historical Records in Warsaw has been in possession of a source called 'Book of accounts of the court of King John III Sobieski. Kitchen expenses'. The book, which is actually a register of the upkeep of the royal kitchen, records exactly what food was served by the royal kitchen between the 5th of August 1695 and the 31st of January 1696 (with a few gaps resulting from pages having been torn out). The book includes daily notes on the food provided for the table of the king, of the queen, of their sons, of the guests, of the courtiers and of the servants. The author of the book is unknown, but he must have been a person employed at the royal court (a steward, a cook or an assistant to one of those). The notes are very systematically structured, since they list the victuals served to the particular tables in the same order under subsequent dates. They reveal what amounts and kinds of food (meat, fish, sweets) were available to the royal family and its entourage for lunch and dinner. Since the notes cover a relatively long period, it is possible to discover differences between the meals served on weekdays, holidays and fast days. Furthermore, the source allows to reconstruct with much precision the itinerary of the royal court, as the place of serving every meal is also indicated. The record is of great value, since it shows the differences in the quantity and quality of food provided for the different groups in the court, ranging from the royal family to the servants of the royal guests. The book can also be used to draw some conclusions about the entourage of King John III in the last year of his life. The notes from the royal kitchen indicate that it prepared meals for a relatively stable number of people (between ten and twenty; several dozen if larger groups, e.g. pages, are taken into consideration). A detailed analysis of this source may reveal the expenses incurred by the privy purse to feed the royal family and court, as well as the dietary habits of this small community. A comparison of such data with the data concerning the kitchen expenses of John III's predecessors and successors on the Polish throne, and of other European courts, may extend our understanding of the costs and functioning of royal courts.
15

Ciało moje grzeszne oddaję ziemi”. Dyspozycje pogrzebowe szlachty w aktach sądowych lwowskich i przemyskich z pierwszej połowy XVIII wieku

80%
Vinnychenko O.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue 2
297-311
EN
Funeral dispositions were among the most important decisions stated in testaments. This is also the case in the last wills of the nobility which registered their testaments in the town books of Lviv and Przemyśl in the first half of the 18th c. This group of nobility was a culturally distinct community, which followed from the contacts of nobles of two denominations: Catholic and Orthodox (later Uniate). Funeral dispositions were an important part of a Christian last will, in both the mediaeval and the modern era. They stated where the testator wished to be buried and why this particular place was chosen, specified some details of the funeral ceremony and the ways to help the salvation of his/her soul. The most important disposition concerned the place of burial. In the modern era nobles usually chose Catholic, Orthodox or Uniate churches or cemeteries, depending on their denomination and parish affiliation. Most of the testators chose Dominican churches. Roman Catholics seem to have been more loosely connected with a particular parish, while Orthodox nobles were usually more attached to their parish church. An important characteristics of early modern noble community was the wish to be buried close to one’s relatives. Therefore, the testators usually chose to be buried next to their children, wives, parents and siblings. The funeral was usually described as modest, without pomp and procession, but accompanied and followed with a large number of masses for the testator’s soul. Each testator had a different idea of a “modest” ceremony – for some a funeral “without wordly pomp” cost up to one hundred zloties, for some it was several thousand. The sums allocated for the funeral depended on the testator’s financial situation. The testaments reveal valuable information on the nation’s material culture, as they describe burial clothing, artefacts placed in coffins and coffins themselves. The funeral culture of the Commonwealth was largely dependent on the financial position of particular groups of nobility (magnates, affluent nobles, petty nobles) and this was reflected in funeral ceremonies.
16

THE FORTIFICATION OBLIGATIONS OF KNIGHTS AND COMMONERS IN POLAND IN THE 13TH C. IN THE LIGHT OF WRITTEN SOURCES (Swiadczenia fortyfikacyjne ludnosci pospolitej i rycerstwa w Polsce XIII wieku w zrodlach pisanych)

80%
Dabrowski F.
Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej
|
2008
|
vol. 56
|
issue 2
147-168
EN
The author surveys the data from written sources concerning the public works obligation imposed by the Piast monarchy in order to build fortifications (strongholds and entanglements). The origin of public works is usually traced back to the tribal tradition, strengthened by adopting the Western principle of the monarch's control over fortifications. Due to the scarcity of preserved sources and their character it is difficult to establish when exactly the obligations known from the 13th c. were introduced. The type of the available sources also limits our knowledge of the scope of fortification obligations. Almost all the mentions of fortification obligations come from documents granting jurisdiction privileges to the Church, therefore we know very little of the obligations imposed on knights. The sources record not only the names of particular fortification works but also some details that allow us to hypothesise about the method of their execution and the authorities responsible for enforcing the fulfilment of the obligation. The fortification obligations included: cutting trees to build an entanglement or barricade (preseka, incisurae, precisio nemorum) (building an entanglement in wartime was considered a separate category), the construction and repair of strongholds, and breaking the ice in moats surrounding strongholds (naramb, narub). The most frequently mentioned obligations were those connected with the building and repairing of strongholds. Building new strongholds and repairing old ones were considered separate categories of works. In addition to the most common names of works, there are less frequent terms referring to various extra duties (digging moats, building and repairing bridges leading to strongholds, covering the surface of stronghold walls with pug). There was a range of Latin terms used to refer to fortification works: form the simple expression labor/opus castri through the general terms constructio or edificatio to names indicating the variety of works connected with fortification construction (reedificatio, reformatio, munitio, reparatio, correctio, firmatio). The only native name of an obligation is the word grod ('stronghold') recorded in two documents. The obligation to participate in building strongholds obviously concerned both serfs and knights, the latter group, however, to a limited extent. A knight was obliged to build one 'box' (section) of the stronghold wall. Exemptions from fortification works granted by princes to serfs from Church estates indicate that the priority for the rulers of Polish principalities in the 13th c. was the upkeep of their capitals and borderland strongholds. It is difficult to figure how time- and labour consuming fortification works were, although they were certainly burdensome. The fulfilment of the obligation was almost certainly not supervised by castellans; some documents suggest that there were special officials appointed for that task. There are no data on serfs being engaged in fortification works. There is no information on the logistics and organization of the works, either. The obligations known from 13th-century sources were gradually abandoned due to the extension of jurisdiction priviledges; they were abolished by the general privileges granted to the Kingdom of Poland in 1374 and to Mazovia in 1418 and 1478. Their extinction could also have been connected with the replacement of wooden strongholds by brick castles. The building of entanglements was probably given up because of the intensive colonization of forest areas.
17
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Permanentné výmole – príklad prieniku historických a geomorfologických vied

70%
Papčo P.
Historická geografie (Historical Geography)
|
2010
|
vol. 36
|
issue 2
291-306
EN
The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate the specific subject of scientific research – permanent gullies. Even though the formation of these morphosculptural forms of georelief is primarily studied by geomorphological sciences, historical sciences are applied to a great extent in their research as well. Acquired knowledge is subsequently directly or indirectly usable in the description of history of development of human society.
18

PRAMEŇ AKO VÝCHODISKO KULTÚRNEJ PAMÄTI: MONUMENTA BYZANTINO-SLAVICA ET LATINA SLOVACIAE

70%
Žeňuch P.
Slavica Slovaca
|
2020
|
vol. 55
|
issue 3
482 – 493
EN
Written sources as a source of linguistic, literary, historical and cultural research make it possible to connect scientific fields that focus on learning about the value system of the past and its comparison with the values of contemporary society. Cultural communication is also based on the value pillars, as it is a reflection of natural relationships and processes that shape society. The study deals with the need for slavistic research into the sources of the Byzantine church of the Slavic tradition, which arose in the context of the development of Slovak society. They consist of texts of sources written in Cyrillic and Latin alphabet, which are connected with Slovakia in terms of content and form. The publication of texts of sources within the editions Monumenta byzantino-slavica et latina Slovaciae and the supplement to the magazine Slavica Slovaca creates a space for their access to a wide range of interested parties. Only with the help of systematic research of written sources can a comprehensive knowledge of the rules of norms and value patterns of human behavior be achieved, which is influenced by various factors and processes of cultural development of society.
19

OSÍDLENIE ŽIARSKEJ KOTLINY V STREDOVEKU

70%
Ivanič P.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2014
|
vol. 62
|
issue 1
115 – 126
EN
The study is concerned with the development of settlement in the Žiarska Kotlina Basin, which is situated in the southern, middle part of the Hron Basin. The Žiarska Kotlina Basin is one of the oldest settled areas in Slovakia. It was already known in the Palaeolithic for its deposits of limnoquartzite. However, evidence of denser settlement comes only from the time of the Lusatian Cultural Complex. The Púchov Culture existed here in the Late Iron Age and Early Roman period. The Germanic tribes came later in the Roman period and in the 6th century probably Slavs. The Žiarska Kotlina Basin was relatively densely settled in the 9th and 10th centuries, with settlements concentrated close to the river Hron. The first written mention of the territory dates from 1075. Svätý Beňadik (today Hronský Beňadik) Abbey gained properties here. We lack written mentions from the following, 12th century. However, the territory was not uninhabited. Svätý Kríž (today Žiar nad Hronom), Hliník and Voznica probably existed. The castle lordships of Revište and Šášov were originated in the 13th century. We get our first evidence that the Archbishopric of Esztergom had property here. The majority of the settlements mentioned in written sources from the 14th and 15th centuries probably originated in the 13th century. The network of settlements still in existence today emerged at this time.
20
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PRÍSPEVOK K TOPONYMII ZÁHORIA Z HĽADISKA ARCHEOLOGICKÉHO A HISTORICKO-LINGVISTICKÉHO

61%
Bača R.
Študijné zvesti
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2013
|
issue 53
159 - 181
EN
The study deals with toponymy of the most western part of Slovakia (Záhorie), which represent (create) the border with Czech Republic. The names of the villages and their terrain parts show that the region was situated in a marshy environment. The living conditions in this area were preferred by the Slavs rather than the Hungarians. The main orientation thoroughfares were the rivers: Danube, Morava, Myjava and their tributary streams. The archaeological researches and surveys have testified the plentiful Slav settlements from the beginning of the 6th century AD. Most of the village and terrain names inform us of the Christian and Pagan cults of our ancestors.
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