Search results

1

Z dziejów niemieckiego hymnu

100%

Andrzejewski M.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 2(351)

185-199pl

EN

This article follows up on a thorough review and analysis of Polish and German literature on the subject matter of national anthems. The aim of the author was to familiarize readers with the origins of national anthems of the major European countries, notably that of Germany. Throughout this paper, the main focus is the origins of the Deutschlandlied as well as other popular songs such as Heil Dir im Siegenkranz, Wacht Am Rhein , Horst-Wessel-Lied of the Nazi era and Auferstanden aus Ruinen, the national anthem of the German Democratic Republic.

2

Wpływ transnacjonalizacji Polaków w Berlinie na ich tożsamość

86%

Szczepaniak-Kroll A.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2018

|

issue 3(368)

259-273

EN

The transnational perspective was disseminated in scientific research in the 1990s. It is the result of the increasing mobility of people who build, through their international travels, networks of political and socio-cultural links that cross national borders. Poles have joined the migratory trend in the 21st century as a result of changes that occurred in this part of the continent a few years earlier, when the communist system collapsed. A transnational style of life quickly became the everyday life of young people. Their example was also taken up by older migrants, already integrated in the host country. Transnationalism influenced their identity, strengthening some of ts elements while changing others. The article presents this process. It is based on ethnological fieldwork conducted by the author in Berlin in 2009-2018 as part of two research projects funded by the Polish National Science Centre.

3

Bedeutung nichtstaatlicher Akteure in den tschechoslowakisch-westdeutschen Beziehungen in den 1960er Jahren

86%

Soběhart R.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

|

2017

|

issue 2

71-91

EN

The paper describes the modern history of international relations based on the liberalism-constructivism approach. The main goal is to decrease the importance of the state in international relations and to point out the importance of a number of other actors that influence communication in international relations (multinational companies, non-state actors, new social movements, media, etc.). Such expansion is also of importance for the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1950s and 1960s. At that time, official diplomatic relations did not exist, therefore the communication transpired via these non-state actors. Scientific workplaces focusing on the area of international relations played a key role in this process, namely the Czechoslovak Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii and the West German Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik. However even these scientific institutions were influenced by the ideological and institutional settings of each respective country. The Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii in many aspects simply repeated propaganda statements of the Communist government towards West Germany. Due to its own activities aimed at the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1960s and the effort to gain a more independent position, it was disbanded in early 1970s. A new workplace was created instead, which was once again fully subordinate to the Communist party. On the other hand, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik represents a modern think-tank created in the Anglo-Saxon world. In many propositions, the analysis formed their own, independent stances that often contradicted the official views of the West German government.

4

Kraj Saary a początki integracji europejskiej

81%

Koźbiał K.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2020

|

issue 14

187-198

EN

After the end of World War II, the territory of the Saarland became a contentious problem between France and Germany. For economic reasons (hard coal deposits and developed industry), France tried to make this area dependent on itself, which was reflected first by the occupation, then by economic and monetary union, and finally by an attempt to make the political independence of Saar from Germany. These activities ended in failure. The reason was that the inhabitants of the Saarland did not accept the so-called Statute of the Saarland in a referendum in 1955. From 1957, the area was incorporated into Germany as a result of the so-called little reunification (kleine Wiedervereinigung). This would probably not be possible without the positive progressive integration of Western Europe (creation of the ECSC and EEC).

PL

Po zakończeniu II wojny światowej terytorium Kraju Saary stało się problemem spornym między Francją a Niemcami. Francja z powodów ekonomicznych (złoża węgla kamiennego i rozwinięty przemysł) próbowała uzależnić ten obszar od siebie, czego wyrazem była najpierw okupacja, później unia gospodarcza i walutowa, wreszcie próba politycznego uniezależnienia Saary od RFN. Działania te zakończyły się fiaskiem. Powodem było nieprzyjęcie przez mieszkańców Kraju Saary tzw. statutu Saary w referendum w 1955 r. Od 1957 r. obszar został włączony do RFN w wyniku tzw. małego zjednoczenia. Zapewne nie byłoby to możliwe bez pozytywnie postępującej integracji zachodniej Europy (utworzenie EWWiS i EWG).

5

Gottfried Benn und die doppelte Staatsgründung 1949 – zu ausgewählten Prämissen seines schwierigen Verhältnisses zu Staat an sich und zum bundesdeutschen (Teil-)Staat

75%

Walkowiak M.

Studia Germanica Posnaniensia

|

2016

|

issue 37

263-276

EN

The paper is mainly concerned with Gottfried Benn’s complex attitude to the state and history. By means of introductory prefigurations, such as existential tensions related to the conflict between Protestant ethics and modern aesthetics, there emerges Benn’s difficult and complex relation to the state as such, seen as a product of history, and to its particular examples, starting from the Second Reich until the initial phase of West Germany. Friedrich Nietzsche’s philosophy, and in particular the philosophy of art, is of great importance in this context. This issue is discussed using Benn’s key works such as Roman des Phänotyp or Doppelleben. Benn’s literary and life self-creations played a vital role in his relations with the political reality and the state, which is discussed at the end of this analysis. His ambivalent relation to early West Germany has a strong biographical basis, i.e. his involvement with the history of the Nazi Germany on the one hand, and on the other – the period of his literary fame at the end of his life.

6

Związek Niemieckich Chłopów (DBV) i jego wpływ na politykę rolną RFN w latach 1949–1969

72%

Janicki T.

UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

|

2017

|

issue 4(5)

134-149

EN

AT the turn of the 20th century in Germany a model of agricultural politics was developed based upon protectionism and interventionism. An active role in its shaping was played by agricultural organisations, especially the German Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte – BdL), established in 1893, and a whole host of regional Farmers Associations, which in 1900were merged to create the Association of German Farmers Associations (Die Vereinigung der deutschen Bauernvereine – VdB). Following WWII this organisation was superceded by the German Farmers Association (Deutscher Bauernverband – DBV), which represented a continuation in both ideological terms, and of personnel. The aim of the article is to present the genesis of the DBV and its political thinking, the mechanisms of its influence on domestic and foreign agricultural policies in West Germany between 1949 and 1969, and the results achieved. The DBV was a disciplined and centralised organisation, which managed to achieve a high level of organisation amongst farmers, reaching an average level of 90% of thise employed in this economic sector. In light of this analysis, it is possible to state that the DBV was one of the most effective lobby groups in West Germany. In the period under discussion it managed to achieve all of its primary objectives, despite a decline in the position of the agrarian economy, its shrinking social base, and – in the late 1960s – an increase in public criticism of existing agricultural policies. The basis of the aforementioned success was the close connection with the governing parties during this period, specifically the CDU and CSU, who in return for electoral support implemented the political postulates of the Association.

PL

Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w Niemczech wyodrębnił się model polityki rolnej oparty na protekcjonizmie i interwencjonizmie rolnym. Aktywny udział w jej kszta łtowaniu brały organizacje rolnicze, w tym szczególnie założony w 1893 r. Związek Rolników (Bund der Landwirte – BdL) oraz szereg regionalnych Związków Chłopskich, które w 1900 r. utworzyły Zjednoczenie Niemieckich Związków Chłopskich (Die Vereinigung der deutschen Bauernvereine – VdB). Po II wojnie światowej ich miejsce zajął Związek Niemieckich Chłopów (Deutscher Bauernverband – DBV), który ogłosił się ich kontynuatorem zarówno pod względem ideologicznym, jak i personalnym. Celem niniejszych rozważań jest przedstawienie genezy DBV i jego myśli politycznej, mechanizmów wpływu na wewnętrzną i zagraniczną politykę rolną RFN w latach 1949–1969 oraz ich rezultatów. DBV był scentralizowaną i zdyscyplinowaną organizacją, której udało się uzyskać bardzo wysoki stopień zorganizowania rolników, średnio osiągający poziom 90% zatrudnionych w tej gałęzi gospodarki. W świetle przeprowadzonej analizy można stwierdzić, że DBV należało do najskuteczniejszych instytucji lobbingowych w RFN. W omawianym okresie zdołał zreal izować wszystkie swoje najważniejsze cele pomimo malejącej pozycji gospodarczej rolnictwa i kurczącej się bazy społecznej oraz narastającej w drugiej połowie lat 60. krytyki dotychczasowej polityki rolnej ze strony opinii publicznej. Podstawą tego sukcesu była ścisła współpraca z partiami rządzącymi w tym okresie w RFN, w tym szczególnie z CDU i CSU, które w zamian za głosy wyborcze związanych z DBV rolników realizowały postulaty polityczne i gospodarcze Związku.

7

Making the Best of a Bad Job? The Nixon Administration and the 1971 Four Power Berlin Agreement

72%

Reeves C.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2014

|

issue 6(32)

287-314

EN

In the period 1969‑1971, the Nixon administration had significant misgivings regarding the Eastern Policy (Ostpolitik) of the new West German government led by Willy Brandt. These mainly stemmed from a fear that it could create divisions within NATO and instability within the Federal Republic. Of particular concern was that Brandt had made ratification of the renunciation of force treaty he signed with the Soviet Union in August 1970 contingent upon a Four Power Berlin Agreement. Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, did not view the talks with any enthusiasm, believing that it would be extremely difficult to achieve a satisfactory agreement. Moreover, they feared that the Three Western Powers would be negotiating from a position of weakness. Accordingly, in 1969 and 1970 the White House did not view the Berlin negotiations as a priority. At the beginning of 1971, however, Kissinger and Nixon appeared to perform a volte‑face when they decided, using their secret backchannel with the Soviets, to actively work to bring the talks to a successful conclusion. It is argued that this change was partly prompted by their wider diplomatic strategy; in particular, Nixon’s desire to obtain a summit meeting in Moscow with his Soviet counterpart. It is also suggested that political calculations, especially the pressing need for a foreign policy success before the 1972 presidential election, played a significant role. Nixon and Kissinger established a secret set of tripartite discussions in Bonn that ultimately resulted in the successful conclusion of a Four Power Berlin Agreement. In doing so, they effectively negotiated behind the backs of two of their chief allies in Western Europe, Britain and France, and officials in their own State Department.

8

Pytania o Polskę w okresie przełomu politycznego w 1989 roku w świetle relacji wybranych polityków zachodnioniemieckich

72%

Świder M.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2019

|

vol. 26

193-210

EN

The situation in Poland at the end of 1988 as well as the dynamic changes in the first half of 1989 were a subject of many analyses in West Germany conducted by politicians and trade unionists. First of all, they were interested in the development of opposition’s power and also the condition of internal reforms. On this base they tried to predict directions of the future of Polish development. In West Germany the following questions were raised: What will the Polish political scene look like? What will democracy and Solidarity be in Poland? Furthermore, West German observers were tracking political “trends” of newly created political and social organizations. From the analysis emerges not only a picture of the country’s internal division and complicated domestic relations, but also a lack of a positive programme, internal tensions and contradictory interests. In that crucial time, public consciousness of the importance of changes had accompanied to passivity great part of society. Foreign observers more than once expressed anxiety that Poland could miss the opportunity which arose from the citizens’ mobilizations and the Solidarity movement from the beginning of the 1980s.

9

Współpraca produkcyjna i naukowo-techniczna ZSRR i RFN w latach 70. XX wieku

58%

Klimiuk Z.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

|

2022

|

vol. 41

120-140

EN

The geopolitical face of Europe, and in particular its economic situation, has been significantly influenced over the past century by the cooperation of Europe's largest power, Germany, with the Soviet Union, which constitutes a raw material and industrial base and a huge market. The purpose of the article is to explain the scale and forms of this cooperation at the peak of its intensification, namely in the 1970s. The author considered various forms of this cooperation, from trade through production cooperation combined with scientific and research cooperation, taking place within the framework of joint long-term production and trade contracts and licensing agreements, which are an important form of technology transfer. The article also presents the institutional and legal framework of cooperation, explaining the reasons for its intensification and impact on economic development. These are related, among other things, to the complementary nature of the two economies and result from the economic calculus. This situation has not changed to this day, which, among other things, explains the behavior of the German government in relation to the war in Ukraine.

PL

Na geopolityczne oblicze Europy, a w szczególności na jej sytuację gospodarczą, istotny wpływ w ciągu minionego wieku miała współpraca największego mocarstwa europejskiego, czyli Niemiec, ze Związkiem Radzieckim stanowiącym zaplecze surowcowe, przemysłowe oraz ogromny rynek zbytu. Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie skali i form tej współpracy w szczytowym okresie jej nasilenia, czyli w latach 70-tych. Autor uwzględnił różnorodne formy tej współpracy, od wymiany handlowej przez kooperację produkcyjną połączoną ze współpracą naukowo-badawczą, odbywającą się w ramach wspólnych, długoterminowych kontraktów produkcyjno-handlowych oraz porozumień licencyjnych stanowiących ważną formę transferu technologii. W artykule przedstawiono także instytucjonalno-prawne ramy współpracy, wyjaśniając przyczyny jej intensyfikacji i wpływ na rozwój gospodarczy. Są one związane m.in. z komplementarnym charakterem obu gospodarek i wynikają z rachunku ekonomicznego. Sytuacja ta trwa do dzisiaj co m.in. tłumaczy ambiwalentny stosunek Niemiec do trwającej wojny na Ukrainie.

Refine search results

2 Przegląd Zachodni

1 Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

1 Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

1 Przegląd Geopolityczny

1 Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

1 Studia Germanica Posnaniensia

1 UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

1 Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

1 Andrzejewski M.

1 Janicki T.

1 Klimiuk Z.

1 Koźbiał K.

1 Reeves C.

1 Soběhart R.

1 Szczepaniak-Kroll A.

1 Walkowiak M.

1 Świder M.

1 2022

1 2020

1 2019

1 2018

2 2017

1 2016

2 2014