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EN
At the dawn of the XXth century the Balkan countries were intent on waging war against Turkey. In the preparation period, however, they had severely exceeded their economic and demographic capabilities. The arms production consumed vast amounts of money, leading to an extraordinary debt of the Balkan states. The 1912-1913 wars have proved to be a veritable ordeal for the economies of the involved countries as well as their social endurance. This great sacrifice was supposed to further the national goal of defeating Turkey and finally establishing the inter-state borders, even in the face of an impending economic collapse. The Balkan conflicts turned into a war of attrition, a harbinger of what was to come during the World War I. The pre-war efforts and the cost of the actual warfare brought Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro as well as Turkey to the brink of economical breakdown and major social turbulence. The calling of 1.3 million men to arms resulted in halting the industrial production and an agricultural crisis in the countries of the Balkan Alliance. The civilian transport sector was non-existent (since all the means and assets had been requisitioned by the military) which proved fatal to the commerce. This in turn greatly diminished the states’ tax income, further worsening the financial repercussions of the war. The number of soldiers fallen, wounded or killed by cholera were reaching hundreds of thousands. Due to the harsh war conditions and the lack of suitable attention many of the wounded have become disabled, which banned them from the work market and doomed them to social benefits. Amongst the consequences of the war were also migrations of the civilians, forced by the war itself and the following border changes. The Christian refugees alone numbered hundreds of thousands, while any real means of administering to the basic needs of the displaced masses were actually non-existent. On the Muslim side the losses amounted to 620,000 Turkish soldiers and civilians. A further 440,000 have been displaced and moved to Anatolia. Moreover the pillage, the atrocity, as well as the destruction of private property have engraved the feelings of mutual hatred and longing for a vendetta in the minds of the Balkan people.
EN
This article addresses the sense of national identity of the Macedonians in the period of the Balkan wars and their aftermath. The first source material were used journalistic texts and calls in the journal „Makedonskij Golos” published by Macedonian expatriates gathered around Dimitrija Čupovski in St. Petersburg in the years 1913-1914. Second was diary Dnevnik) written by Krste Petkov Misirkov in 1913. Expression of these two major characters in the Macedonian history reflect geopolitical policies conducted in the Slavic population in the Balkans. It is an important source material documenting the national consciousness of intelligence derived from the Macedonian lands. This indicates that the main topics which were then undertaken focused on the defense of the whole Macedonian territory, aspirations to create their own state and diversified approach to the idea of the Slavic community.
PL
This paper addresses the sense of national identity of the Macedonians in the period of the Balkan wars and their aftermath. The first source material were used journalistic texts and calls in the journal „Makedonskij Golos” published by Macedonian expatriates gathered around Dimitrija Čupovski in St. Petersburg in the years 1913-1914. Second was diary Dnevnik) written by Krste Petkov Misirkov in 1913. Expression of these two major characters in the Macedonian history reflect geopolitical policies conducted in the Slavic population in the Balkans. It is an important source material documenting the national consciousness of intelligence derived from the Macedonian lands. This indicates that the main topics which were then undertaken focused on the defense of the whole Macedonian territory, aspirations to create their own state and diversified approach to the idea of the Slavic community.
EN
“Le Temps” was one of the most important French newspapers of the first half of XXth century. In the first two months of the first Balkan war the progress of this conflict was the most important subject for the editors of “Le Temps”. The information provided by the daily had a binary character. On the one hand the readers might found the descriptions of diplomatic and military operations of the states participating in conflict, and the other political powers interested in the situation in the region. On the other hand the journal systematically published large commentaries made by the political commentators and the Balkan correspondents of the daily. In the articles published in “Le Temps” one can find the images of Balkans which are typical for Western European image of Balkans, which started to emerge in the beginning of XVIIIth century. It is important to underline that this image of Balkans presented in “Le Temps” did not concern only politics and war. The conflict became a pretext for the presentation of wild Balkan nature and the traditional culture of the Balkans. In the articles published in the newspaper it is possible to find also the reflections concerning the backwardness of social structures of Balkan people and their civilizations, as well as the remarks on the process of modernizations of those societies caused by military mobilization. “Le Temps” promoted the Western European stereotypes about Balkans, which up to that time were present mainly in travel journals, not so influential as the daily journals. The representation of Balkans presented by “Le Temps” was the synthesis of the images already known. The example of this journal shows that the image of Balkan people in the time of the Balkan war may be considered as the climax of the process of evolution of the Balkan stereotypes.
EN
Balkan Wars 1912-1913 were a milestone event in the history of the Balkans. They ending, started in 1878, process of expulsion of Turkey from its European possessions, and creating the possibility of realizing popular in this part of Europe slogan “The Balkans for the Balkan nations”. It should be noted that taking on the Balkan Peninsula events were with attention watched by the European great powers, because this part of Europe they are treated as a region of special economic and politic-military interest. This situation was dictated primarily by dynamic industrialization of Europe, which already in the middle of the nineteenth century led to the exacerbation of the struggle for access to the raw materials and especially to sales markets. In the context of the Balkans the essential importance had the rivalry between Austria-Hungary, which was seeking a safe and comfortable way to the port of Thessaloniki, and Russia, which was striving to change the status of Bosporus and the Dardanelles, for ensure grain exports through the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. It must be remembered that the Balkans and Turkey played an equally important role in the economic plans of other powers – Great Britain, France, and from the late nineteenth century also Italy and Germany. An equally important role played by political and military considerations. The entry of great powers in the so-called imperial era greatly influenced the intensification of the competition for the “undisputed leader” in Europe and the range of spheres of influence, and the crystallization of the opposing military-political blocks in the Europe, pay attention of politicians to those European countries, which was created the possibility of blocking the enemy actions and obtain tactical advantage. For obvious reasons, the Balkans have played in this rivalry special role. Although the imposition of all these factors complicated the situation on the Balkan Peninsula, the persistent tension between the great powers created Balkan states and nations the feasibility of their policy plans. Thus, in the era of the Balkan wars, they did not intend to follow the guidelines of European diplomacy, and taken by the great powers the efforts to save peace and acquisition of potential allies did not lead to the expected success, which clearly confirmed the events of WWI.
EN
This article is to demonstrate the genesis and repercussions of the Romanian territorial claims against Bulgaria during the war period of the 1912-1913 in the Balkan Peninsula. What is most stressed is the direct relationship of the said claims with the separation of Bessarabia from the Romanian state, executed by the 1878 Berlin truce and annexation of Northern Dobrudja, a region inhabited mostly by Bulgarians. This last fact inspired the anxiety in Bucharest, that Bulgaria might claim that land by force. This was worsened after 1908, when Bulgaria proclaimed itself a sovereign empire, intent on incorporating major parts of Macedonia and Thrace since the decisive victory over the Ottoman Turkey. Such broadening of the Bulgarian borders was regarded in Bucharest as a threat to the political equilibrium in the Balkans, endangering the Romanian state security and territorial integrity. As a result the government of Romania issued a claim to reestablish the border with Bulgaria, which was in essence a claim over Southern Dobrudja. In spite of rather favorable international circumstances in the early XX century, the Romanians were unable to bring this notion into being until the second half of 1913, the outbreak of an inter-alliance war, a result of frictions between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece. The lack of success on the side of the Bulgarian armed forces at the western front and the fact that their northern and northeastern provinces were left unprotected incited Romania to invade Bulgaria and annex the Southern Dobrudja. A Turkish invasion followed shortly. As a consequence, and with recognition of the European superpowers of the time, on 10th August 1913 in Bucharest a harsh treaty was imposed on Bulgarians, with the loss of the contested Southern Dobrudja amongst other terms.
EN
The most famous spy scandal before the outbreak of the First World War, took place during the time of intensified diplomatic actions taken to stop the Balkan War. At night on May 24th 1913, Colonel Alfred Redl, the chief of staff for the VIII. Corps stationed in Prague – having been exposed by counterintelligence – committed suicide in Klomser Hotel in Vienna. His death was directly connected to the fact that the special commission that consisted of high ranking officers was established in the extraordinary mode. The case of Russian spy was known only to an exclusive group of ‘initiates’. Nevertheless, it was almost immediately leaked to the press and evoked scandal that stirred up public opinion in Austria-Hungary. The motifs of the scandal – described in Polish press releases of that time: in Cracow, Lvov and Warsaw – have been analyzed in the article. They were significant in the context of political struggle, led mainly between two antagonistic forces: the Austrophiles and the Russophiles. Seemingly distant from Polish matters, the spy affair turned out to be an important factor that ‘catalyzed’ political attitudes of the Poles. The aspect of Redl’s nationality became a significant element of the polemics. And the scandal undermined Austro-Hungarian morale, especially the morale of Slavic nations subject to the Empire; the more so as, at exactly the same time, a political corruption affair which Hungarian Prime Minister was involved in, happened in Budapest. The events that happened in Galicia in May and June 1913 – as connected with political and economical turning point that autonomous country reached, which was caused by Austro-Hungarian preparations for Balkan War – have been examined here as the background context. In this article, basing on a wide range of press sources, the author classifies and describes some key political motifs of the Redl affair: especially the change of ideas about the Balkan War – in accordance to common opinions expressed in Polish press – now bringing the fatal threat to Austro-Hungary. (Russia came into possession of mobilization plans). The other topics are: the decline of Austro-Hungarian prestige on the international arena, the criticism of the code applying to officer corps, assigning Redl the Jewish origin by the anti-Semitic press, attacks on the ones that supported Austro-Hungarian orientations, including those who organized a kind of ‘substitute” for Polish military forces under the auspices of the monarchy, and finally – the spy psychosis.
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