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This article covers the works of the Croatian director Oliver Frljić from the perspective of the political influence of his performances. The frame for this research is Walter Benjamin’s historiosophical concept of „angel of history” and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonism concentrated on positive aspects of political conflicts. The author situates the director’s theatrical activities and his biography (especially his personal experience of the Yugoslav Wars) as a tool for understanding inexorable nationalistic tendencies in contemporary Europe. Frljić’s strategy of creating “radical fiction” and strong, shocking images is analysed as a vehicle for breaking the postdemocratic and postpolitical order. It means that theatre can be treated as a new form of protest and political subjectivity. For this reason Frljić’s performances are concerned with social debates about refreshing democracy
PL
The political is a category entirely absent in the Polish theory and philosophy of law. Article presents history of “the political”, category developed by thinkers such as M. Weber, K. Marx, C. Schmitt, Ch. Mouffe and the main assumptions of the practical aims of theory of law present in alternative projects: Poznań-Szczecin methodological school and L. Morawski critical theory. Despite the declared theoretical differences, both projects are characterized by a similar understanding of the theory, which involves the objectivity of knowledge with involvement of universal point of view. Thus, the inclusion of the category of political in both projects, especially in legal education, is ignored.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza specyfiki funkcjonowania partii Podemos w kontekście zjawiska bipolarności. Zakłada się, że kreowanie w hiszpańskiej polityce układu sił politycznych, opartego na dwóch odmiennych grupach – obywatelach i „kaście”, stanowi fundamentalny czynnik determinujący charakterystykę ugrupowania oraz metody jego działalności. Przyjmuje się, że ele-mentem kształtującymi tego typu specyfikę jest oparcie strategii politycznej na adaptacji tożsamości wypracowanej przez Ruch 15-M oraz silnym antagonizmie. Jednocześnie zaś zauważyć można, że bipolarność Podemos przybiera charakter pozorny, co z kolei jest wynikiem systematycznego do-stosowywania się do standardów funkcjonowania partii w życiu politycznym.
XX
The purpose of this article is to analyze the specifics of the functioning of the party Podemos in the context of the phenomenon of bipolarity. It is assumed that the creation of the Spanish policy of political forces, based on two different groups - citizens and “caste” is a fundamental factor in deter-mining the characteristics of a group and methods of its activities. It is assumed that the elements shaping this type of specificity is to base a political strategy on the adaptation of identity developed by the Movement 15-M and the strong antagonism. At the same time it can be observed that the bi-polarity of Podemos becomes a sham, which in turn is the result of a systematic adaptation to the standards of functioning of the party in the political life.
EN
The article contains the thesis that in political science theories a scientific, ideological and philosophical components are so fused that it is impossible to separate them completely. For this reason, the ideological content not only does not undermine the cognitive value of theoretical argument, but even contributes to it — if the relevant criteria are metI think, that the metatheoretical optics is the most appropriate approach to analyse these criteria. It allows not only to describe given theory, but also enables more problematic de­construction of its conditions and cognitive status. In this article the analysis of this type is presented on the example of Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic conflict theory by taking into consideration three following criteria. First, the ontological and epistemological assumptions of this theory are explained. Secondly, vivisection of the structures and forms of reasoning peculiar to the agonistic paradigm is conducted, followed by the examination of the paradigm’s presence in the scientific discourse. Thirdly, the approaches which are both polemical and supportive for the Mouffe’s theory, but representing different intellectual and ideological circles, are presented.
EN
The purpose of this article is to rethink the thesis claiming a non-agonistic character of Polish Holocaust Studies. The author, using Chantal Mouffe’s agonism theory, outlines the model of agonism and then applies it to literary studies and confronts the concept with affirmative humanism of Ewa Domańska. Non-agonistic structure of Holocaust studies in Poland turns out to be their advantage over studies conducted in Europe and in the world, especially those of post-humanistic variety. Two analysed examples of polemics of writers and literary scholars show that the concept of agon should be re-evaluated because it often leads to the weakening of the subject of science and scientific discourse.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedyskutowanie tezy o nieagonistyczym charakterze polskich Holocaust studies w ich aspekcie literaturoznawczym. Autorka, korzystając z teorii agonizmu Chantal Mouffe, zarysowuje model agonizmu, by następnie odnieść go do literaturoznawstwa i skonfrontować z koncepcją humanistyki afirmatywnej Ewy Domańskiej. Nieagonistyczna struktura studiów nad Holokaustem w Polsce okazuje się ich potencjalną przewagą nad studiami prowadzonymi w Europie i na świecie, zwłaszcza w ich odmianie posthumanistycznej. Dwa przeanalizowane przykłady polemik pisarzy i literaturoznawców pokazują natomiast, że pojęcie agonu powinno ulec przewartościowaniu i krytycznej ocenie jako to, które często prowadzi do osłabienia podmiotu nauki oraz dyskursu naukowego.
PL
Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety.
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