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EN
In the paper, the anaphoric use of the demonstrative ten in spoken narrative discourse is examined. Two questions are of main concern to the study: (i) frequency and contextual distribution of the demonstrative, and (ii) grammaticalization potential of the demonstrative in anaphoric function. Concerning (i), all nominal phrases containing the demonstrative ten (determined NPs; 230 in total) are contrasted with their non-determined lexical counterparts, i.e. those not containing the demonstrative (bare NPs; 400 in total). Each item is then inspected in terms of a set of linguistic parameters. It turns out that determined NPs dominate over the bared NPs in the data — speakers use them in more than 60 % of repeated mentions. The most decisive factors are animacy of the referent and sentence perspective (theme — rheme structure). In this way, two functions are identified in the anaphoric use: (i) contextualizing, and (ii) strongly demonstrative, none of which seems to be a plausible source of potential grammaticalization of the demonstrative into a definite article.
EN
In the present contribution, the main constitutive features of the Functional Generative Description as proposed by Petr Sgall and his collaborators are introduced together with a brief characterization of selected Czech grammatical phenomena within this framework. These phenomena include above all verbal and nominal valency and related issues and topic-focus articulation, esp. in relation to negation and presupposition. Criteria for the determination of valency members are proposed together with the changes in the valency structure connected with the application of different diatheses and alternations. The role of valency requirements in complex predicates is described and exemplified by means of derived structures. The other phenomenon investigated is connected with reflexive and reciprocal constructions. Furthermore, attention is devoted to the categorization of deletions and the related phenomenon of the general participant, and also to various comparative constructions that are described as constructions with surface deletions. The constructions introduced by the Czech preposition kromě ‘besides/instead of’ are used as an illustration of how their deep representation looks. The main tenets of FGD have been applied, verified and further refined in the Prague Dependency Treebank family and valency lexicons, which are briefly characterized here as well.
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