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1

SKUTKI II WOJNY ŚWIATOWEJ DLA STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH

100%

Pastusiak L.

Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

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2015

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vol. 1(4)

13-19

PL

Okres II wojny światowej to dla Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Północnej czas zmian zarówno w polityce zewnętrznej jak i wśród społeczeństwa. W początkowym okresie wojny Stany Zjednoczone prowadziły politykę izolacjonizmu, czerpiąc korzyści gospodarcze z udzielania pomocy materiałowej krajom kolacji antynazistowskiej. Przystąpienie do wojny w 1941 r. i udział Amerykanów w walce z hitlerowską III Rzeszą oraz Cesarstwem Japońskim zarówno zmieniło układ sił jak i miało ogromny wpływ na politykę czasu wojny i wczesnego okresu powojennego. Stany Zjednoczone bezsprzecznie można określić mianem wielkiego zwycięzcy II wojny światowej.

EN

The World War II era is for the United States of America the time of changes in the external policy and social issues. In the early years of war the United States had carried on the policy of isolationism deriving economic benefits from supplying the Allies in war against the Nazi Germany. Joining the war in 1941 and participation of Americans in the struggle against the Third Reich and the Japanese Empire have changed the balance of power and had a huge impact on politics in the war-time and in early post-war period. The United States of America can be undeniably described as the economic and political winners of World War II.

2

Sprawa bombardowania KL Auschwitz w świetle wybranych opracowań

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Cuber-Strutyńska E.

UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

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2019

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issue 4(13)

47-68

PL

Pośród wielu zagadnień dotyczących złożonej historii KL Auschwitz stale powraca pytanie, dlaczego rządy Stanów Zjednoczonych i Wielkiej Brytanii odrzuciły apele żydowskich organizacji z całego świata oraz polskiego rządu w Londynie o zbombardowanie komór gazowych, krematoriów oraz szlaków kolejowych wiodących do obozu koncentracyjnego. Kwestie te zyskały wymiar nie tylko historyczny, ale również moralny, symbolizujący reakcję aliantów na tragiczną sytuację Żydów podczas II wojny światowej. Dyskusja nad możliwością i efektywnością przeprowadzenia takiego nalotu toczy się przede wszystkim w środowisku angielskich i amerykańskich badaczy. Za sprawą dwóch z nich – Martina Gilberta i Davida S. Wymana kwestia dotycząca bombardowania KL Auschwitz przestała być traktowana jako zagadnienie z kręgu historii alternatywnej i na stałe zagościła w historiografii dotyczącej Holokaustu. W artykule scharakteryzowano wybrane publikacje i konkluzje czołowych znawców tematu (w tym Martina Gilberta, Davida S. Wymana) i zestawiono je z opiniami i argumentacją innych publicystów. Ich badania koncentrowały się przede wszystkim na określeniu zakresu wiedzy aliantów na temat eksterminacyjnej polityki nazistów, możliwości technicznych przeprowadzenia operacji bombardowania śmiercionośnych instalacji KL Auschwitz, efektywności oraz potencjalnych skutków takiego nalotu. Zaprezentowana w artykule kompilacja wyników badań historyków i publicystów izraelskich i anglosaskich pokazała, że sprawa zbombardowania KL Auschwitz budzi nadal wiele emocji i sporów, rzadko prowadząc do konsensusu.

EN

Concerning the complex history of KL Auschwitz, there is a question which constantly reappears: why the governments of the United States and Great Britain rejected the appeals of Jewish organizations from around the world and the Polish Government in London to bomb the gas chambers, crematoria and rail routes leading to the concentration camp. This question has not only undertaken a historical but also a moral assessment, symbolizing the attitude and reaction of the Allies to the tragic situation of Jews during World War II. The debate on the possibility and effectiveness of such air-raids is conducted primarily by English and American researchers. Due to works of Martin Gilbert and David S. Wyman, the topic of the bombing of Auschwitz has permanently entered the historiography of the Holocaust and has left the circle of the alternate history. In the article, selected publications and conclusions of leading experts on this topic (including Martin Gilbert and David S. Wyman) are characterised and compared with the opinions and arguments of other researchers. Gilbert’s and Wyman’s works focused primarily on determining the level of Allied knowledge about the Nazi extermination policy, technical capabilities to carry out the bombing of Auschwitz death camp installation, and the effectiveness and the potential impact of such bombing. The article, which is the compilation of historians and journalist researches, shows that the case of air-raids on Auschwitz is still raising many controversies and disputes, rarely leading to a consensus.

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Droga do Norymbergi. Geneza sądowych rozliczeń ze zbrodniami III Rzeszy

80%

Machcewicz P.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2015

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issue 1(25)

79-111

EN

The Road to Nuremberg. The Genesis of Judiciary Settling Accounts with Crimes of the Third Reich The first reported court trials for war crimes concerned offenses committed during the American Civil War (1861–1865). After World War I, the victorious nations of the Entente attempted to put the former German Emperor Wilhelm II and other German military leaders responsible for particularly drastic crimes. The former ruler took refuge in the Netherlands, which refused to extradite him, and the Reich Tribunal in Leipzig held a number of trials under heavy pressure from the victorious coalition. The majority of them led to acquittals or exceptionally short sentences, which resulted in the Leipzig process being labelled a travesty of justice; during World War II the allies regarded it as a negative experience which they should avoid repeating at all costs. During the period 1919–1920 several dozen trials concerning the slaughter of Armenians were held in Turkey by Turkish and British authorities, but they were equally inadequate for the scale of the crimes committed involving the murder of almost a million people. The anti-Hitler coalition thus could not draw on any real examples from the past when seeking to account for the crimes of the Third Reich and its allies, nor were there any international legal regulations or institutional solutions that they could look to. The first action taken to document the crimes committed in occupied countries were undertaken by governments-in-exile in London, primarily that of the Republic of Poland. It was pressure from that as well as other governments as well as others which led to the formation of the War Crimes Commission in October 1943, which developed a new legal concept and category: crimes against humanity. It turned out to be key in enforcing liability for crimes against civilians; it was invoked during the Nuremberg trials, and is also applied in many contemporary criminal proceedings. The first joint Allied commitment to prosecuting war crimes was the Moscow Declaration of 1 November 1943, but even after its adoption there were serious disagreements among the allies as to how this should be done. Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, was opposed to the creation of an international tribunal, citing the different legal systems of the Allies and the fiasco of the Leipzig trials following World War I; he was a supporter of summarily executing the leaders of the Third Reich and fascist Italy. The legal framework of the post-war trials was only developed during the closing months of the war, with American politicians and lawyers playing a key role. Their contribution was to base the most important post-war trials on three pillars: the categories of crimes against humanity, crimes against peace and the charge of conspiracy to commit crimes (a direct transplant from the American legal system). The trials held before the International Military Tribunal, held in Nuremberg from 20 November to 1 October 1946, were an attempt, unprecedented in the history of civilization, by the international community to bring to justice the leaders of a defeated state to justice for their crimes. In spite of the numerous criticism levelled against various aspects of the Nuremberg trials, it ultimately became a point of reference and an example for later attempts at placing political and military leaders on trial for their crimes.

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1 Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

1 Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

1 UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

1 Cuber-Strutyńska E.

1 Machcewicz P.

1 Pastusiak L.

1 2019

2 2015

SKUTKI II WOJNY ŚWIATOWEJ DLA STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH

Sprawa bombardowania KL Auschwitz w świetle wybranych opracowań

Droga do Norymbergi. Geneza sądowych rozliczeń ze zbrodniami III Rzeszy