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1
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EN
Leo Tolstoy, a famous Russian writer, also well-known as a religious thinker and one of many Russian “prophets”. His religious beliefs are based on Christianity reduced to ethics. In many aspects Tolstoy agrees with the classics of anarchism who claim that the State is an institution and its immanent feature is injustice.
EN
In the second half of the 19th century, anarchism presents itself in certain characteristic signs and manifestations. Although the representatives of anarchism themselves willingly emphasize the originality of their ideas and their resistance to doctrine, their ideas come closer in the radical critique of economic and social relations, in the criticism of the Church and religion, as well as the sharp criticism of the other political parties, but at the same time they differ in their individual accents of their negation of the existing circumstances. The anarchistic level of their critique leads them from individual negation all the way to demands for a radical transformation of society, to different ideas about the nature of revolutionary behaviour, and the character of revolutionary change. From there, various forms and concepts of the future “post-revolution” society, visions of the anticipated freedom, on the character of the new social relations developed. For the characterization of the anarchism of the given period, the personalities of its French representative Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin, the former German MP Johann Most, the original scientist Peter Kropotkin and the university educated German socialist Gustav Landauer and the entirely differently thinking Young Hegelian Max Stirner were chosen.
EN
Over the last few years we may notice anarchist symbols and flags which appear in social movements in Armenia. This shows that anarchist organizations appear and are active there. So far they have not been the subject of scientific research as they are still small and not fully developed. However their more visible activity in social movements is the reason why this attitude has changed. In this paper I am trying to show what factors contribute to the development of the anarchist organization and its ideology on the territory of the former Soviet Union, i.e. Armenia, with the emphasis on how the anarchist ideology functions in social movements, their acti - vities and forms of representation in the Armenian society.
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EN
State phobia is aversion to the state, stemming from fear of the state. In the article, aversion to the state is analyzed in two dimensions: substantialist and accidentalist. Substantialist criticism relies on perceiving essential evil in the criticized phenomenon, which is embedded in the nature of the phenomenon as such. Accidentalist aversion refers to accidental and unnecessary defects; it has an occasional nature. The subject matter of the paper is substantialist state phobia in contemporary political thought. The following concepts were analyzed: anarcho-capitalism, national anarchism, tribalism, primitivism and anarcho-transhumanism. The purpose of the paper is to identify arguments addressed against the state, as well as to analyze determinants of state phobia in selected currents of political thought. The hypothesis is an assumption that substantialist state phobia is determined by the process of maximizing the idea of freedom in political thought, which generates aversion or hostility towards the state. In order to verify the research hypothesis, the author analyzed source texts (ideological, program, propaganda and journalistic texts) of the above-listed political movements, their leaders and acolytes. The political thought under discussion may perform both constructive and destructive functions with respect to a democratic state. As a result of the analysis, the hypothesis was partially confirmed.
EN
Lincoln Silva is one of the Paraguayan writers outshone by Augusto Roa Bastos and Gabriel Casaccia. Being an author of two novels, Rebelión después and General, general, he displays his belonging to Rafael Barrett’s “journalism of accusation,” originated at the beginning of the 20th century. In general, Silva can be considered an anarchist who does not agree with Alfredo Stroessner’s dictatorial system and criticizes the institution of the Church and its language. The proletarian revolution and politics itself become another subject of his criticism. Silva opposes the dictator but does not consider satisfactory the possible governance of the opposition. He ridicules the topics of the Paraguayan culture without offering concrete solutions. He refuses the concepts but does not intend to be constructive. Just as Cassacia’s protagonists, all the characters created by Silva are pulled into ethically ambiguous situations and they can be possibly interpreted as “esperpentic.”
EN
There are connections between the re-birth of anarchism as a social movement in the 1960s and the emergence of music and youth subcultures around the same time. This chapter explores these relations pointing out to more than simple time correlation between the two processes. The paper looks at which elements of the new wave of anarchist movement resonate the best with the D.I.Y. (Do It Yourself) punk and hardcore music scenes. The paper investigates not only organizational dimensions of the connections, but also looks at the spatial aspect.
EN
Parliamentary democracy is a political system based on elections, which are held periodically and have specific functions. The most important of these are: the power-building function, the legitimising function and the representative function. However, there are social movements that negate these functions. One of them is the anarchist movement. Anarchists believe that parliamentary democracy and the state limit the freedom of human beings and social groups. That is why they are opposed to general elections. In their opinion, parliamentary democracy should be replaced by stateless societies based on direct and participatory democracy.
EN
In the presented paper the attention is focused on the so-called urban social movements, especially on the radical, anarchist faction of Polish urban movements. The article offers detailed analysis of the case of Ruch Społeczeństwa Alternatywnego [RSA; Alternative Society Movement], the social movement that operated most actively in Poland in the 80’s and 90’s of the 20th century. First of all, the main interest is on urban outlook that movement’s activists expressed as a part of unofficial counterpublics. It clearly corresponds with what we call today a demand of “urban democracy” or “the right to the city”. To some extent they have idiosyncratic character, however, on the one hand drawing its emancipatory potential directly from the anarchist tradition, on the other being closer to the libertarian ideas.
EN
This paper links the beginnings of anarchism to the works of some ancient Greek Cynic philosophers. Its reflections are also visible in the Chinese Daoist civilizational paradigm, so comparatively relevant ideas developed by the Greek Cynics are analysed in relation to the Chinese Daoists ideas. Basing on the surviving works by the representatives of the above-mentioned schools or only fragments of these works, the author of the paper draws attention to the aspects of social behaviour and social activities of the thinkers of the civilizational paradigms in question. These aspects are discussed in the light of the idea of anarchism, which helps to reveal distinctive contents of values. These contents are fundamentally different from the models of anarchism of the New Ages that are oriented towards the transformation of social structure or its individual systems. The radical idea of social revolution was not important to the Greek Cynics and the Chinese Daoists, although, in the course of time, there have been attempts to link these ideas with revolutionary attitudes. However, due to the ideological divide and the divide in values, the author of the paper sees no basis for a more detailed comparative analysis of the ideas of anarchism of the New Ages and ancient anarchism.
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Content available remote

Ruch anarchistyczny w Europie w początkach XXI wieku

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EN
The anarchist movement operating in Europe constitutes an element of an international (in composition) and global (in scope) anti-globalization protest. It does not oppose all the aspects of globalization but only those which are discrepant with the goals and values of anarchism formulated already in the 19th century. It co-creates, inspires or participates in such anti-globalization network movements as: No Border, Food Not Bombs, No One Is Illegal, People Global Action, Reclaim the Street, Critical Mass. Above all it opposes economic neo-liberalism and the consolidation of power, this time not just as the institution of the state but also as economic and financial centres.
EN
This text analyses the Homek magazine published by Ruch Społeczeństwa Alternatywnego (RSA) [Alternative Society Movement] – a community of people with neoanarchist views first co-creating the underground Solidarność and later functioning independently. Homek, as an underground newspaper, was initially published bi-weekly, then monthly and later irregularly. This article focuses on, firstly, the RSA community’s position on hostile attitudes (including the so-called hate speech) and, secondly, on the use of the term walka [fight] as what we believe to have been a self-creation device.
EN
Project Indymedia is an institutionalized example of global activism mediated by the new information technologies. The significant innovation here is the fulfilment of the radical democracy ideal, that has not been fully realized yet, despite of numerous attempts. It can be seen that the Indymedia implements radical democratic vision of the media and promotes participants with widely known slogan „be the media”. Indymedia initiative promotes the idea that everybody should have access to the possibility of free creation of information and its unlimited transfer to the wide audience. Notably, radical democratic practices undertaken by the Indymedia go beyond the content of its internet page and include a number of important institutional activities that involve new communication technologies in global network dimension. The so-called radical democratic practices also involve an active attempts to renegotiate the basic relations of power, leveling hierarchical systems (an example of this is the decision-making procedure supported by consensus), and the prevention of visible limitations of the access to content (example is promotion of an open access software). The paper presents framework of the project, its basic ideas, with particular emphasis on implementation of radical democracy elements. The main purpose is to answer the questions concerning extreme inclusiveness of the project and evaluation of its radical democratic character.
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2019
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vol. 7
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issue 1
13-32
EN
The Jewish-Polish pedagogue, Janusz Korczak is traditionally associated with his orphanage in the Warsaw ghetto and his murder alongside the children during the Holocaust. A doctor and educator, Korczak is also increasingly acknowledged for his unique pedagogical projects such as the self-governing orphanages (democratic children’s homes) and his advocacy for child rights. Translations of his writing and the dominance of individualized interpretations for his motives, has resulted in Korczak being displaced from his socio-historical context of Warsaw. This paper seeks to increase awareness of the inseparable nature of Korczak’s Polish language texts to the Polish struggle for independence. The aim is to further investment into understanding the socio-historical context within which Korczak’s writing was rooted. When readers acknowledge the limitations of the translated Korczak texts, this encourages a greater appreciation of current Polish scholarship but also deepens the philosophical inquiry into his work. This paper uses Korczak’s texts to demonstrate how power and language reinforce each other by conflating the concepts of the oppressed into those of the oppressor. The purpose of highlighting flaws in translated texts is not simply to correct the error but to disrupt notions of identity; oppressed and oppressor, in relation towards the ‘not-so-radically’ Other. Examinations of Korczak's ideological experiences, either religious, cultural or political, move more of his own account from the periphery into the foreground. To date, the impact of Russian colonization and Poland’s struggle for political independence within Korczak’s texts has been given little attention and served to keep readers ignorant of this aspect. Whereas other studies have attended to Korczak’s Jewish-Polish heritage, the focus here is on his political philosophy. The goal is to REplace Korczak by historically situating his ideas within his city of Warsaw and the intelligentsia of the time. This demonstrates that Korczak’s critical pedagogy and work outside of the authority of the State positions him today as a radical educator. Historically, he can be aligned with the ideas of specific social movements, especially anarchist theories. Rather than uniformity of ideas, the Warsaw intelligentsia at the turn of the twentieth century, both Polish and Jewish, was a democratic mesh with disparate individuals brought together in tactical co-operation for the struggle of nation-building. The reader is introduced to Korczak in ‘place’ in order to illuminate a new reading of Korczak’s texts and ideas as emanating from radical philosophical underpinnings.
EN
The article discusses the Polish translation (2018) of Goliarda Sapienza’s novel L’arte della gioia (The Art of Joy, in Polish Sztuka radości, trans. by Tomasz Kwiecień) in relation to the selected works of Inga Iwasiów and Sylwia Zientek. Anarchism, which provides the ideological background of the Italian book, serves as the basic point of reference for this interpretation. The author points to the issues from Sapienza’s novel which are important from the perspective of anarchism and which can also be found in the Polish texts mentioned in the article. The aim of this analysis is to discuss the context in which The Art of Joy functions in Poland and to suggest the possible lines of interpretation that can be drawn between this novel and contemporary Polish literature.
EN
The Article presents the silhouette of Emma Goldman, an anarchist, and shows how her views had an impact on the environment Polish anarchofeminists in the nineties of the twentieth century. It describes both the activities of Goldman and its consequences.
EN
The paper considers the phenomenon of precedence in the Russian anarchic disco¬urse. The main attention is paid to precedential statements. The author shows conditions of functioning of precedential statements in texts of the Russian anarchism: the precedential statements necessitate wide cultural existence, they have to create new meanings and they need ideological justification.
EN
The centennnial of D’Annunzio’s occupation of Rijeka (September 1919 – January 1921) confronts the professions dealing with it – historiography, memory studies, public history, cultural management – with the problem of very different, often conflicting and mutually exclusive interpretations. The process of defining national borders after World War I, territorial claims and the unrealised plans of a new social order are parts of this historical episode still preoccupying interpreters. Here we will try to explain how D’Annunzio’s rule in Rijeka came to be interpreted in view of its similarity to the western hippie movement of 1968, and we will describe two recent artistic products of that interpretation: projects by Janez Janša (Il porto dell’amore) and Damir Stojnić (1:1). Both are interactive urban interventions in the city of Rijeka, and the latter is directly linked to the Rijeka – European Capital of Culture 2020 project.
HR
The centennnial of D’Annunzio’s occupation of Rijeka (September 1919 –January 1921) confronts the professions dealing with it – historiography, memory studies, public history, cultural management – with the problem of very different, often conflicting and mutually exclusive interpretations. The process of defining national borders after World War I, territorial claims and the unrealised plans of  a new social order are parts of this historical episode still preoccupying interpreters. Here we will try to explain how D’Annunzio’s rule in Rijeka came to be interpreted in view of its similarity to the western hippie movement of 1968, and we will describe two recent artistic products of that interpretation: projects by Janez Janša (Il porto dell’amore) and Damir Stojnić (1:1). Both are interactive urban interventions in the city of Rijeka, and the latter is directly linked to the ijeka – European Capital of Culture 2020 project.
Nowa Krytyka
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2016
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issue 36
93-111
EN
The article contains a critical presentation of Daniel Guérin’s work: Rosa Luxemburg and revolutionary spontaneity publushed in 1971. Daniel Guérin accuses Rosa Lusemburg of theoretical inconsequence and disorder. These accusations are presented in the light of critical approach towards Guérin’s narrowminded anarchism and its line.
EN
The paper characterises contemporary fighting anarchism from the ideological, tactical, and organisational perspectives. An analysis is carried out that examines the activities of the groups revoking insurrectionism, which today entails three ideological trends, namely social, individualistic (illegalism), and ecological. In the author’s intention, the characteristics should serve practical goals, i.e., forming a prognosis regarding the phenomenon's future and drawing possible ways to counteract its proliferation in a further perspective. Contemporary anarchism, due to its intellectual allure (liberationist individualism), broadening the scope of its goals (with the liberation of non-human beings), adopting loose organisational forms, as well as employing the leaderless resistance strategy and swarming, is a phenomenon that has significant development potential. The development of anarchism, due to ongoing socio-political processes (the collapse of the existing mechanisms of social control and political representation, globalisation, informatisation) and the widely spreading ideology of individualism will lead to, as it seems, progressive radicalism, both in ideology and used methods.
EN
The Alternative Society Movement (ASM) was founded in 1983 in Gdańsk. 2013 marked the 30th anniversary of the founding of this informal youth organisation, whose jubilee was celebrated by a conference as well as academic and anarchist publications. The jubilee was also accompanied by a theatrical production, a concert of music bands and competition for student bands.
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