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Studia Ełckie
|
2023
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vol. 25
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issue 3
307-329
PL
W publicystyce katolickiej Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej masonerię oskarżano często o dążenie do zniszczenia Kościoła i wyrugowania religii z życia społecznego. Przypisywano jej powiązania z Żydami i inklinacje satanistyczne. Enuncjacje dotyczące wspomnianego zagadnienia były emanacją „czarnej legendy” wolnomularstwa, rozpowszechnianej od dawna w środowiskach zachowawczych, zwłaszcza katolickich. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wizerunku masonerii jako organizacji walczącej z Kościołem i będącej przyczyną laicyzacji, czy też dechrystianizacji społeczeństwa w rodzimym kraju i na świecie, jaki był kreowany w prasie katolickiej Polski międzywojennej.
EN
In the Catholic journalism of the Second Republic, Freemasonry was often accused of seeking to destroy the Church and eradicate religious life from society. It was attributed to its connections with Jews and satanic inclinations. Enunciations on the aforementioned issue were therefore an emanation of the “black legend” of freemasonry, which had long been spread in conservative circles, especially Catholic ones. The purpose of this article is to show the image of Freemasonry as an organization fighting against the Church and being the cause of secularization, or de-Christianization of society in the home country and the world, as it was created in the Catholic press of interwar Poland.
PL
W artykule wyjaśniono, w jaki sposób nauczanie św. Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara, zwłaszcza w dziedzinie życia społecznego, a także w odniesieniu do kwestii politycznych i gospodarczych, było w dużej mierze pod wpływem atmosfery politycznej epoki oraz wydarzeń, takich jak koniec państwa kościelnego, Komuny Paryskiej oraz ogólnym wzrostem socjalizmu, antyklerykalizmu i Masonerii. Józef Stefan Pelczar starał się znaleźć odpowiednie odpowiedzi na te zagrożenia dla kościoła, zwłaszcza poprzez promowanie różnych organizacji katolickich.
EN
The paper explains how the teaching of St J. S. Pelczar, especially in the area of social life, and in respect to political and economic questions, was largely influenced by the political atmosphere of the age, and the events such as the end of the Papal States, the Commune of Paris, and the general rise of socialism, anti-clericalism and freemasonry. J. S. Pelczar tried to find adequate answers to these threats to the Church, especially by promoting various Catholic organisations.
EN
The article shows the problem of reducing Church influence in Spain at the beginning of 30s of the 20th century by passing a law against the Church. A good relationship was presented between Spain and the Holy See in 20th century, which brought about the signing of two concordats. Catholic religion was recognised as the main religion of the Spanish nation. Further is showed a change in this situation at the beginning of the 20th century and an increasing dislike to the Catholic Church among the Spanish nation which was considered to be closer to the authority than the ordinary people. It is also presented the anticlerical legislation of liberal politicians in 1931-1933. There is attention paid to the Constitution from 1931 which initiated a number of reforms against the Church. At the end there was an outlined relationship between the state and the Church after the civil war in Spain and negative consequences of anticlerical legislation of 30s which had an effect in perception of the Catholic Church in the Spanish community in following years.
PL
W tekście przedstawiono cztery najważniejsze pozytywne tendencje wizerunkowe występujące w 94 tekstach na temat księży publikowanych na tabloidowym portalu Fakt24.pl w latach 2009–2016 (Zmarły, Ofiara złego, Pośrednik między Bogiem a człowiekiem, Wyjątkowy). Materiał ten podważa tezę o programowym antyklerykalizmie portalu Fakt24.pl (mimo znacznej przewagi tekstów o księżach mających wydźwięk negatywny). Różnice między odmiennymi, skrajnymi przedstawieniami kapłana pokazują, że sposób pisania o księżach (w tym radykalizm ocen) nie wynika (wyłącznie) z określonych sympatii redakcyjnych lub polityki redakcyjnej, lecz z logiki tabloidowej, nakazującej przedstawianie bohatera w sposób wyostrzony i jednoznaczny. Oznacza to między innymi, że pozytywna lub negatywna ocena bohatera wynika z potrzeb dramaturgii opisywanej historii z udziałem księdza.
EN
This paper presents four major positive image tendencies observable in 94 texts concerning priests that were published on the tabloid portal, Fakt24.pl, in the period 2009–2016 (a deceased person, a victim of a villain, an intermediary between God and a man, an exceptional person). The material presented challenges the claim that the portal is systemically anti-clerical (irrespective of the prevalence of negative-sentiment texts regarding priests). Diff erences between various and opposite depictions of priests show that the manner in which priests are described (and the radicalism of assessments) does not arise (solely) from a specifi c sentyment of the editorial board or its policy, but from tabloid logics which requires that a character be presented in a clear and unambiguous manner. This means, among others, that a positive or negative assessment of the protagonist is determined by the needs of narration used to tell a story in which a priest has a role to play.
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Józef Aleksy Putek, Juris Doctor, (1892-1974) was a well-known peasant activist during the interwar period. He had been involved in the peasant movement since his school years, when he attended the Wadowice gymnasium. After the end of the First World War, he held a seat in the Sejm for several terms (1919-1930 and 1938-1939) and came to be known as an excellent parliamentar. He also worked in local government, acting as of Vogt in Chocznia (1919-1929). During the interwar period he was active in several peasant parties, taking on high party functions in the Polish Leftist Peasant's Party, the Polish Liberation Peasant Party, and the Peasant Party. He was a fierce critic of the Church and its position in the nation, and a conflict with the parson in Chocznia led to his being punished by an interdict (1928). He was imprisoned by the Sanation government in the fortress of Brzesko, and was tried and sentenced to one of the harshest punishments, part of which he served in the prison in Wadowice. As an attorney he was involved in the defence Emil Zegadłowicz’s novel Motory, which had been confiscated by the censors.During the occupation he was imprisoned in the Montelupi prison in Kraków, in Wiśnicz and in the Auschwitz and Mauthausen concentration camps, where he took part in the camps’ underground resistance. After the war, Dr. Jur. joined the leadership of the pro-Communist Peasant Party, and was a delegate to the National Council and the Legislative Seym (1945-1951) and was Post and Telegraph Minister. He was arrested under suspicion of collaboration with the Sanation regime, and spent three years in the Montelupi and Mokotów prisons without trial or sentence. After his release from prison he worked for several years as an attorney. Beginning in 1958, partially paralysed due to a stroke, he remained permanently in his home. Dr. Jur. wrote several dozen of publications and pamphlets, most infamously the provocative and anticlerical “The Darkness of the Middle Ages" and numerous works on the history of the region and the Polish countryside.
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Rorty, religia i demokracja

80%
Diametros
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2013
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issue 35
111-128
PL
Stanowisko Rorty’ego, nazwane przezeń ‘antyklerykalizmem’, jest jednym z trzech, obok postsekularyzmu i Nowego Ateizmu, ważnych głosów we współczesnej debacie filozoficznej dotyczącej miejsca religii w przestrzeni publicznej w zachodnich demokracjach. W niniejszym artykule przedstawiam Rortiańskie, neopragmatyczne rozumienie religii jako nawyku działania oraz jego krytyczne stanowisko wobec obecności instytucjonalnych form religijności w przestrzeni publicznej wyznaczanej przez nowoczesne konstytucyjne demokracje. W zakończeniu przedstawiam zarys krytyki stanowiska Rorty’ego, które naraża się na zarzuty o dezinterpretację pojęcia i doświadczenia religijności i jako postulat zmiany politycznej wikła się tym samym w poważne trudności.
EN
In addition to postsecularism and the New Atheism, Rorty’s idea of „anticlericalism” is one of the three important elements in the modern philosophical debate about the role religion should play in the public sphere in Western democracies. In the paper I discuss Rorty’s neopragmatic understanding of religion as a habit of action and his critical position on the presence of institutional forms of religion in the public sphere of modern constitutional democracies. In the end I sketch a critique of Rorty’s position, which misinterprets the concept and the experience of religiosity and thus involves serious difficulties as a proposal for political change.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy oddziaływania, rozwoju i zmian różnych form ateizmu w twórczości czeskich, zwłaszcza marksistowskich, intelektualistów w drugiej połowie XX wieku. Omawia również ich wpływ na opinię publiczną, przede wszystkim w obliczu narastania negatywnego stosunku do religii u dużej części czeskiego społeczeństwa. Opracowanie opiera się szczególnie na historycznych i dyskursywnych analizach dzieł głównych autorów od lat 50. XX wieku do roku 1989, a zwłaszcza tak ważnych postaci, jak Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec czy Vítězslav Gardavský.
EN
The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.  
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