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EN
Following the end of the cold war, the incidence of statebuilding interventions has visibly increased in the case of dysfunctional (failed) states. Today, such interventionism in a good faith promotes liberal values and is believed to be in line with international legal regimes that makes it distinctive from neo-imperial politics. Even if state-building does not generally refer to regular warfare, it often takes analogous forms to occupation, which was codified in jus in bello at the beginning of the XXth century. While the occupation law requires occupants to maintain status quo on the occupying territory (article 43 of Hague Regulations), armed state-building is transformative by definition that seems to undermine conservative provisions of the former. The article presents traditional criteria for occupation in the Hague and Geneva conventions as well as prospects and limitations of its refinement (jus post bellum). In theory, such a redefinition could launch the formulation of the statebuilding regime, which aims to reduce deficits or double-standards in international state-building by focusing on the interests of local stakeholders of transformative projects. Hence, the Author addresses three interlocking issues: occupation within state-building, the occupation law and state-building, and transformative occupation as state-building.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza prawnych uwarunkowań interwencji zbrojnej w ramach koncepcji „odpowiedzialności za ochronę” (Responsibility to Protect, R2P). Autor przedstawił i ocenił skuteczność podejmowania działań wojskowych w jej ramach. Należy podkreślić, że zbrojny aspekt koncepcji R2P nie był szeroko analizowany w doktrynie. Autor omówił kwestie skuteczności interwencji wojskowej na przykładzie operacji „Odyssey Dawn” i „Unified Protector” w Libii w 2011 r. Odniósł się także do koncepcji zastosowania mechanizmu interwencji wojskowej w Syryjskiej Republice Arabskiej po 2011 r. W tekście wskazano, że największą słabością koncepcji interwencji zbrojnej w ramach mechanizmu R2P jest ogólnikowość i niejasność jej form realizacji. W kontekście interwencji wojskowej w Libii, do której doszło w wyniku braku weta ze strony któregoś ze stałych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa, autor wykazał, że jakkolwiek zastosowanie formuły interwencji wojskowej w ramach modelu R2P jest wciąż możliwe, to uzasadnione jest także założenie, iż w najbliższym czasie w zbliżonej sytuacji stali członkowie Rady Bezpieczeństwa skorzystają z prawa weta.
EN
The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal conditions of armed intervention under the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The author presented and assessed the effectiveness of undertaking military actions within its framework. It should be emphasized that the armed aspect of the R2P concept has not been broadly analysed in the doctrine. The author discussed the issues of the effectiveness of military intervention on the example of the “Odyssey Dawn” and “Unified Protector” operations in Libya in 2011. He also referred to the concept of applying the military intervention mechanism to the Syrian Arab Republic after 2011. The text indicates that the greatest weakness is the generality of the concept of armed intervention within the R2P concept and the vagueness of its forms of implementation. In the context of the military intervention in Libya, which occurred as a result of the lack of veto by one of the permanent members of the Security Council, the author showed that although the use of the formula of military intervention under the R2P model is possible, it is also reasonable to assume that in the near future in a similar situation, the permanent members of the Security Council will exercise their right of veto.
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