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EN
Drug abuse is a growing social problem in Poland and is a particularly serious problem in the Military. The conditions of military service may be a factor that stimulates drug addiction among soldiers, particularly those who are psychically and physically weak and not adapted to team work. The psychical stress that results from the abrupt breaking of existing bonds and social relationships (family, colleagues, partners) is intensified by spatial limits (military barracks), and the character of military units (personal freedom limitation). Another important aspect is, natural in this situation, access to weapons and the nature of tasks performed by a modern army. Yet the army continues to recruit young people who are physically and mentally weaker and weaker. In face of this problem, the commanders, supervisors and teachers are required to possess not only psychological and pedagogical knowledge, but also ethical and moral awareness. The article is based on empirical results of the test conducted in 2007 among 100 conscription soldiers of the Lublin Garrison of the Polish Army.
EN
ntroduction. This study reviews the link between personal health and military qualifications. It was found that there is evidence of a strong link between obesity levels across young individuals and military qualification adjudication. Aim. The purpose of the study was to review the literature about significance of the rules for adjudicating on the ability to perform active military service and analysis of the literature regarding the health condition of Polish citizens subject to perform obligatory military service. Materials and method. Analysis of foreign and Polish literature
EN
This opinion presents a thesis that it is absolutely prohibited to carry out electoral canvassing in the areas of military units and other organizational units subordinate to the Minister of National Defence and in civil defense units, as well as in quartered units subordinate to the minister responsible for internal affairs. However, military units set up temporarily in order to carry out a military mission beyond the borders of the Republic of Polish are not covered by the prohibition, as they do not fulfill the requirement of the statutory definition of the area of a military unit. Canvassing to students in schools is also prohibited. In addition, the author of the opinion distinguishes hospitals and penal institutions as workplaces, in which canvassing cannot be carried out if it causes disturbance in their normal operation.
EN
The active and direct participation of the state in the process of education was a very important and significant element that put the position of the main ideological-political formations in the interwar period in opposition to concepts constructed at the turn of the twentieth century. At the time of regaining independence, the state could be considered as one of the main subjects that were import_ant for rebuilding the awareness and collective identity of Polish people’s citizenship. Therefore, this text deals with the school and the army – institutions of educational influence during the Second Polish Republic – as the subjects of educational influence.
5
80%
ES
This article advances a hypothesis which differs from those usually formulated about “The Prince”. Here, Machiavelli is not simply a scholar versed in political philosophy. The theories that he expounds on in this particular piece of work would, in part, be the result of long-term efforts he undertook to gain power for himself and become a sovereign. In order to support this assertion, it is necessary to turn to his biography. His interventions as a high official (particularly during the latter years of the Florentine Republic) have been compared to the reflections he compiled in The Prince . This information points to the fact that Machiavelli followed a meticulous plan in order to carry out a coup d´état, taking shelter behind Soderini – agonfalonier for life – for whom he acted as main counsellor. Some of his contemporaries (and his political enemies in particular) already expressed their suspicions in that regard. The corresponding references have been included in the article.  
XX
A small Austrian garrison in Przemyśl was formed in the early 1780s. It was only around 1802 that the number of soldiers grew to 700. A fundamental change in the nature of the garrison came when a fortress started to be built here in 1879 and the command of the X/10 Austro-Hungarian corps appeared in Przemyśl. In consequence, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the Przemyśl garrison was among the largest ones in Austria-Hungary. The soldiers accounted for about 25% of the town population. The military factor contributed to the development and modernization of the town. The command tried to subdue the civil authorities in Przemyśl. The presence of the army made the town even more multinational and multiethnic than before. The Austrian garrison was often perceived to be an element of Germanization. The officers (mostly of German origin) distanced themselves from the civilians and socialized only within their own group. The town elites not attempt to get closer to them. The large garrison also brought about a lot of problems of political, ethnic and criminal nature. Military criminals went basically unpunished. In addition, thecommand provoked a fierce conflict with the local socialists, accusing them of anti-state activity. In he final stage of the Great War the garrison was used as the only guarantor of Austrian rule in the town. It disintegrated even before the fall of Austria-Hungary in the autumn of 1918.
EN
The analysis of the amounts assigned in the budget act for defence expenditures since the year 2005 clearly shows that, despite the legal obligation, the amount designated for this purpose has never exceeded 1.95 per cent of the previous year’s GDP. The article attempts to identify the reasons for this situation, and to offer another solution so that the planning of the state budget spending for the financing of Poland’s defence needs is compliant with the law.
EN
The article constitutes an attempt to describe the participation of Lithuanian forces in the warfare with Turks and Tatars from 1684 to 1699, i.e. from the formation of The Holy League until the Karłowice Treaty. Author describes and analyzes In particular, the author describes the campaigns in which Lithuanian forces took part in Podole, Ukraine, and Northern Moldavia and then analyzes them in a broader political and social context of Polish - Lithuanian State at the end of 17th century.
EN
The surveys of the royal real properties in Pomerania and Greater Poland from 1564 to 1565 include descriptions of fortresses. A three person committee evaluated the state of particular castles. Some of them were in a bad state, especially those in Człuchów and Gniew. Fortresses in Tuchola, Świeć, Grudziądz, Brodnica, and Bratian had been repaired just before the survey was completed. The fortresses, which previously had belonged to The Teutonic Order, were repaired renovated when the survey was undertaken. Castles in The Greater Poland had been built during the reign of Casimir the Great and thus required serious repairs. were necessary. Castles in Brzesko and Inowrocław areas were in a better state than the castles at the Silesian border. Moreover, the amount of firearms was greater in the southern part of Poland than in the northern one. However, as far as manpower and supplies of garrisons are concerned, they were was insufficient in the whole country. The same was in the case of supplies. In sum, by the time of the surveys most of the inspected fortifications were out of date.
EN
The subject of following article is the role of District of Corps number 2 (DOK II) in polish defense system in years 1921-1939 (from the end of polish-russian war and peaceful organization of polish army) to the beginning of world war II. The article show us the rules of functioning the District of Corps (DOK) and the role of Lubelszczyzna and Wołyń region in polish system of defense. The functioning of this District of Corps was very difficult with reason of diversified administration in this region, different than military administration. Many problems were made by national minorities which lived in described region. The author presents location of army units and its role in defense system. At the end of following article are introduced head commanders of DOK II.
PL
Narodowe Siły Zbrojne w Wenezueli zostały utworzone w początkach XX wieku i stopniowo stały się głównym instrumentem gry politycznej oraz kształtowania scentralizowanego państwa narodowego. Wraz ze zmianami wprowadzanymi do systemu politycznego umacniało się znaczenie i podmiotowy charakter sił zbrojnych, a także ulegał rozszerzeniu katalog ról pełnionych przez tę instytucję. Artykuł podejmuje analizę pozycji i roli sił zbrojnych w procesie przekształcania państwa w Wenezueli. Rozważania skoncentruję głównie na zmianach, które nastąpiły w okresie Boliwariańskiej Republiki Wenezueli. Definiując jednakże pozycję i rolę sił zbrojnych przeanalizuję także wcześniejsze przełomowe etapy XX wiecznej historii kształtowania państwa wenezuelskiego.
EN
In the early Imperial age, a feature, which had already been seen in the period of civil wars, even though sporadically and disapproved, took hold and became almost commonplace: wives increasingly accompanied their husbands who were sent to the provinces on military and civilian duties. Already with Augustus, but especially with the first and second generation Princes, it was established the custom that the women of the domus imperialis accompanied their husbands engaged away from Rome: the image of a couple united in sharing the daily toils of military life as well as the honours of public ceremonies was functional to prestige and the idea of a potential imperial succession. Even some Governors’ wives moved to the provinces but not all of them chose to live in the shadows, some entering forbidden areas and subsequently being involved in trial for concussio. The custom of accompanying their husbands inevitably spread also among wives of ordinary soldiers. Despite attempts to revive the old bans, the mos maiorum (Tac. Ann. 3, 33, 4), strenuously defended by the conservatives in tones reminiscent of Cato the Elder, was superseded by the new behaviours promoted by the members of the domus Augusta.
EN
Recently, Turkey has possibly been the most intensely studied and discussed country not only by a community of scholars interested in regime changes from comparative perspective but also by security and foreign policy experts. In this paper, the author explores regime shift from the perspective of the relations of two relevant players: the civilian government and the army; and constitutional changes implemented in this millennium. His political analysis supported by the perspective of the theory of securitisation (and desecuritisation) centres on the way of instruments and methods of this regime including asking two set of research questions: Firstly, what are the causes of the escalation of the confl ict between the AKP government and the army culminating in the 2016 coup? How did the role of a securitisation actor, and the securitisation and desecuritisation strategy transform in time? Secondly, what role did the coup play in the AKP's long-term eff ort to enforce the presidential system? Th e author found that there was permanent and systematic attempt to place the army under the AKP’s political control since getting power in 2002, using democratic instruments (elections, referendum on constitutional change) and nondemocratic methods (purges of the high rank staff ). Firstly, the government tried to eliminate the army’s role by desecuritisation, later; however, the government changed its strategy, and began to ‘re-securitise’ some political issues. Th e 2017 referendum was called aft er the change of the longterm policy of the opposition party MHP. As a result, the checks and balances were challenged by the government and the president’s power increased.
EN
This publication deals with the contemporary possibilities of using resources and the Polish Armed Forces in the process of crisis management. Newer threats and rapidly changing environment requires a new perspective on the role that should meet the Polish Armed Forces in ensuring the security of the country. New challenges require not only the creation of legislation that will provide capacity for action in the formal aspect, but also upgrading units and sub-dislocation of military units in order to effectively carry out the tasks of crisis management.
15
70%
Central European Papers
|
2019
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
51-69
EN
The article presents the most serious threats to the image of the Polish Army. The beginning of the research period was adopted in 2009 as the moment of starting the process of professionalization. It was a period in which missions outside the country were a particularly important threat to image. In the light of public opinion, nowadays the most serious threat is the partial politicization of the image of the army. After identifying the most serious image threats, the problem of researchers was formulated and expressed in the question: how people and institutions responsible for creating the image of the Polish Army should counteract to the most serious image threats? In this article, the recapitulated research was accompanied by the hypothesis that in order to counteract the most serious image threats, there should be an extension of civilian meaning and democratic control over the army. This control should include actions of state authorities protecting the military from the negative image-related effects of political decisions and ongoing political rivalry.
Cybersecurity and Law
|
2024
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vol. 11
|
issue 1
98-104
EN
This article touches on the issue of understanding and approach to the use of AI by the British army from the perspective of a representative of the British armed forces. The article will address the issues of tripartite division as to the essence of the problem today. This article was an excellent part of the author’s speech delivered during the international conference 2023 Warsaw Cyber Summit.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of famine in the army of the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the reign of the House of Vasa. Shortages of food were not present in the army constantly. Nevertheless, they were a frequent phenomenon during wars. It was not always possible to buy or steal something due to destructions in the area where the army was staying. In situations of no possibility to purchase food products, people tried to look for things that could fill their stomachs in the nearest surrounding. They would pick rhizomes, tree leaves, vegetables and herbs. Carrion as well as ill and injured animals were eaten. A symbol of famine was eating horse meat. The last resort was cannibalism.
EN
Artykuł jest poświęcony mało znanemu udziałowi wojska w kampanii wyborczej i wyborach do Sejmu PRL w 1957 r. i odnosi się przede wszystkim do jednostek WP pozostających pod zwierzchnictwem MON, ale także formacji podlegających MSW, czyli WOP oraz KBW. Żołnierze byli zarówno odbiorcami treści promujących wybory i uczestnikami głosowania, stanowiąc jednocześnie ważny czynnik w działaniach agitacyjnych realizowanych we współpracy z terenowym aparatem PZPR. Odrębną kwestią była natomiast rola wojska we wspieraniu organów porządkowych na czele z MO w zapewnieniu spokoju w trakcie kampanii wyborczej oraz podczas samego głosowania. The article deals with a little known participation of the army in the electoral campaign and the election to the Polish Sejm in 1957; it relates mainly to the units of the Polish Army under the command of the Ministry of National Defence, but also to the formations subordinates to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, that is the Frontier Defence Army and the Internal Security Corps. Soldiers were both the target audience of the propaganda content and voted in the elections, being at the same time an important factor in rallying actions conducted in cooperation with the local apparatus of the Polish United Workers’ Party. Another question was, however, the part played by the army in supporting the law enforcement services, with the Citizens Militia (the Police) at the head, responsible for ensuring peace and security during the electoral campaign and the election itself.
EN
The training of the Armed Forces of the Armed Forces by international advisers was one of the most important elements of the modernization of the Ukrainian army, currently affecting the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine. One of its elements was the establishment in 2016 of the Joint Multinational Training Group (Ukraine) at the training ground in Jaworów. The course of training of Ukrainian soldiers was to lead to a significant remodeling of military structures to NATO standards in terms of organization, operation and command. The training conducted on the basis of the International Center for Peacebuilding and Security at the training ground in Jaworów was carried out by instructors from NATO countries. Over the years 2016 – 2020, Ukraine successfully reformed its defense sector with the help of Western instructors and weapons. During this period, the Ukrainian state has led to significant qualitative changes in the segments related to defense and security.
PL
Szkolenie Sił Zbrojnych Ukrainy przez doradców międzynarodowych było jednym z najistotniejszych elementów modernizacji wojska ukraińskiego wpływającym obecnie na toczący się konflikt zbrojny na Ukrainie. Jego jednym z elementów było powołanie w 2016 r. Wspólnej Międzynarodowej Grupy Szkoleniowej (ang. Joint Multinational Training Group – Ukraine) na poligonie w Jaworowie. Tok szkolenia ukraińskich żołnierzy miał doprowadzić do istotnego przemodelowania struktur wojskowych do standardów NATO w zakresie organizacji, funkcjonowania oraz dowodzenia. Szkolenie prowadzone na bazie Międzynarodowego Centrum Budowania Pokoju i Bezpieczeństwa na poligonie w Jaworowie realizowane było przez instruktorów z krajów NATO. Na przestrzeni lat 2016–2020 Ukraina przy pomocy zachodnich instruktorów i uzbrojenia skutecznie reformowała swój sektor obronny. W okresie tym państwo ukraińskie doprowadziło do istotnych zmian jakościowych w segmentach związanych z obronnością i bezpieczeństwem
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