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EN
The paper explores the issue of progressing convergence of labour markets in two EU member states from the Southern (Italy and Spain) and Eastern (Poland) regions of the continent. After 2008 the series of crises hit the South particularly hard, which triggered profound labour market reforms. As a result Southern European countries have been facing growing flexibility and employment insecurity that had characterised Eastern Europe prior to the economic breakdown. On the other hand, the paper takes a look at Poland - which has avoided the worst consequences of the crisis - in an attempt to establish whether the country has moderated their neoliberal reforms, drawing on painful experiences of the South.
EN
This paper explores the responses to the housing crisis in Dublin, Ireland, by analysing recent housing policies promoted to prevent family homelessness. I argue that private rental market subsides have played an increasing role in the provision of social housing in Ireland. Instead of policies that facilitate the construction of affordable housing or the direct construction of social housing, current housing policies have addressed the social housing crisis by encouraging and relying excessively on the private market to deliver housing. The housing crisis has challenged governments to increase the social housing supply, but the implementation of a larger plan to deliver social housing has not been effective, as is evidenced by the rapid decline of both private and social housing supply and the increasing number of homeless people in Dublin.
EN
The ‘Celtic Tiger’ years (1995-2007) saw prosperous economic growth in the Republic of Ireland and an intense period of housing construction and urban development. In 2008 Ireland entered into recession, which resulted in a collapse of the property market and the construction industry. This collapse left just over 2,000 housing developments unfinished across the country. Since 2008, the Irish Government, in conjunction with local authorities, has been developing strategies and plans to finalise these unfinished estates. This paper reports on the current practices for resolving issues in unfinished housing estates in the Republic of Ireland, with a particular focus on the plans to utilise empty housing for social housing purposes. The paper critiques the ways in which this imposed tenure mix threaten housing policy objectives for sustainable and balanced communities. It is the contention of this paper that this housing practice needs urgent review, as the recent hasty reversal of housing policies in Ireland, without due consideration for the consequences, has had a detrimental effect on neighbourhood cohesion.
EN
The goal is analyzing the most recent cliometric literature on two hypotheses connected to one of the most fiercing problems of the world economy, i.e. historically highest levels of public debt. The author focuses on research published after 2009 aimed at assessing the 90% threshold hypothesis and the expansionary fiscal contraction hypothesis. The opinions among cliometricians are vastly divided. The author concludes that (1) a great dose of scepticism is needed in assessing the recent empirical findings, (2) the 90% threshold hypothesis is not proven, (3) austerity at the Treasure should take place after a recession ends due to possible contractionary influence and (4) it should be based on spending cuts rather than tax increases.
EN
This article argues that, despite Poland’s better situation during the economic crisis, the long-lasting rationalisation of permanent austerity overshadows and hinders any alternative solutions in the field of social policies. In this sense, the crisis that hurt the economies of many other countries represented a reference frame for adhering to the path of austerity policies in Poland. The neoliberal track in social and economic policies was accompanied by the strengthening of their conservative pillar: any slight improvements in family policies took a maternalist direction, with a well-paid maternity leave prolonged to one year without the same individual rights being granted to fathers. Finally, the crisis served as a background for the Catholic Church’s attack on the category of “gender”, an example of moral panic. The policy changes as well as the stronger anti-feminism in public discourse were in line with the institutional and ideological legacies of the period of transition, while the crisis served as a direct and indirect reference point for the actors behind these developments.
EN
Even after one of the most severe multi-year crises on record in the advanced economies, the received wisdom in policy circles clings to the notion that high-income countries are completely different from their emerging market counterparts. The current phase of the official policy approach is predicated on the assumption that debt sustainability can be achieved through a mix of austerity, forbearance and growth. The claim is that advanced countries do not need to resort to the standard toolkit of emerging markets, including debt restructurings and conversions, higher inflation, capital controls and other forms of financial repression. As we document, this claim is at odds with the historical track record of most advanced economies, where debt restructuring or conversions, financial repression, and a tolerance for higher inflation, or a combination of these were an integral part of the resolution of significant past debt overhangs.
PL
Artykuł ten jest analizą głównych efektów działań ruchów społecznych, występujących przeciw wprowadzaniu polityki cięć wydatków publicznych (austerity policy), powstałych w 2011 roku: Indignados/as i Occupy Wall Street, zwanych także ruchami prekariatu. Na podstawie badań autorki opracowanych szerzej w książce: Prekariat i proces prekaryzacji pracy – nowe kierunki zmian społeczno ekonomicznych w świecie, w artykule podsumowano najważniejsze rezultaty działań i postulatów tych ruchów w czterech podstawowych wymiarach: tożsamości, świadomości społecznej, organizacji i w wymiarze politycznym. Autorka odpowiada również na pytanie, czy w toku tych działań nowa grupa społeczna – prekariat – uzyskała podmiotowość polityczną.
EN
The article analyses major legacies of anti-austerity movements since 2011: Indignados/as and Occupy Wall Street (known also as the movements of the precariat). Based on the author’s research developed in her book: The precariat and the process of precarisation of labour - new directions of global socio-economic changes (original title: Prekariat i proces prekaryzacji pracy – nowe kierunki zmian społeczno ekonomicznych w świecie), the article summarises the most significant outcomes of these movements’ activities and demands, in four primary dimensions: identity, social awareness, organisation and politics. The author also answers the question of whether, in the course of anti-austerity movements’ activities, a new social group – the precariat – gained political subjectivity.
PL
Przebieg negocjacji w ramach Rady Unii Europejskiej oraz zatwierdzony przez ogół państw członkowskich projekt budżetu unijnego na lata 2014–2020 ukazują znaczący wpływ negatywnych skutków kryzysu oraz braku stabilności strefy euro na kolejne wieloletnie ramy finansowe UE. Obecny kontekst sytuacji politycznej w Europie, jak również wspomniane wyżej czynniki skłaniają do przeprowadzenia: wnikliwej analizy przytoczonych pertraktacji, próby oceny zatwierdzonego budżetu, a także przedstawienia uzyskanych w dociekaniach wniosków. Podstawę rozważań stanowią główne etapy rozwoju rozmów budżetowych, ze szczególnym skupieniem uwagi na dwóch ścieżkach negocjacyjnych w ramach Rady Unii Europejskiej. Analizie poddano także stanowiska poszczególnych stron, tj. Komisji Europejskiej, prezydencji Rady, państw członkowskich oraz Parlamentu Europejskiego, by ostatecznie podjąć się próby oceny zatwierdzonego projektu. Wybór zagadnień dokonany został w oparciu o przesłankę istotności, podczas gdy wspomniana ewaluacja zrealizowana została na podstawie kryterium zasadności i efektywności.
EN
The negotiations in the Council of the European Union and the draft budget for 2014–2020 approved by all of the Member States have shown a significant impact of the negative effects of the crisis and instability in the euro area on the next Multiannual Financial Framework of the European Union. Therefore, in the context of the current political situation in Europe and because of the stated factors, the aim of this article is to conduct an in-depth analysis of the above-mentioned negotiations, to attempt to assess the approved budget, as well as to present the conclusions of these inquiries. The main stages of the development of the Multiannual Financial Framework for 2014–2020 negotiations constitute the basis of the considerations, with a special focus on the two tracks of determining the draft budget in the Council of the European Union. The author also analysed the positions of the Community actors involved in the negotiotions: the European Commission, the Presidency of the Council of the EU, the Member States, and the European Parliament. Finally, an attempt to assess the approved project was made. The choice of analysed issues has been made on the premise of significance, while an attempt of evaluation was based on the criteria of legitimacy and efficiency.
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