Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 4

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  autonomism
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
This article’s aim is an attempt at discussing the notion of reproductive work/labour pondered over by female representatives of Italian autonomism and alsoeminent in Luce Irigaray’s philosophy. By pointing to the said relationship between Irigaray’s thought and Italian feminist movements, the author indicates the missing link in feminist historiography, referring feminist thought back to the origins of Marxist philosophy. Following the trail of thought of both the feminist female theoreticians and Luce Irigaray, the author proves that through regaining the significance of reproductive work/labour playing crucial role in patriarchal-capitalist economy, it is actually possible to redefine the gender distribution of labour/work based on exploitation of women in economic, social, political, and cultural dimension. Putting sexuate difference to the eponymous work would, therefore, involve intertwining those two programmes: Irigaray’s philosophy and Italian autonomism, accompanied by a political programme per se, which would transform social relations between men and women,thereby creating new worlds and new relations. 
EN
Modern times are in many ways not a beginning, but an end. So also as to community and family. Modern times are not original, but secondary, derivative. Therefore, in order to understand them, we have to see their derivativeness first. This is developed with the help of a number of texts by Alasdair MacIntyre and Hans Sedlmayr. Then: In order to regain within the strange surrounding ´20th century` the old strength of community- and family-thinking we have to concentrate on a robust understanding of institutions. Here Arnold Gehlen, especially with his radically underestimated book Urmensch und Spätkultur, is proposed as enormously helpful for an understanding of the binding force of institutions. Finally, there are starting-points for thinking the family, perhaps even more than this, in several lines of philosophy of the 20th century; some forms are distinguished in an effort at a typology, using books and thoughts of authors like among others C.S. Lewis, Robert Spaemann, and Martin Heidegger
EN
Patryk Szaj attempts to inscribe Szczepan Kopyt’s Wersy o koniecznym oporze [Verses about the Necessary Resistance] into the theoretical framework of the Capitalocene. The starting point is the reconstruction of the condition of criticism in the Anthropocene. He opposes the beliefs expressed by some representatives of the Anthropocene discourse that criticism is ineffective in the face of the planetary challenges of this epoch. He argues that we criticism is till needed, as is also emphasized by the concept of the Capitalocene as an alternative to the Anthropocene. Next, Szaj moves on to a dialogue with Kopyt’s work. Using both the findings of critical theory and (new)materialistic concepts, Szaj points to Kopyt’s debt to both these traditions. He shows that Kopyt has managed to avoid the “speaking out of nowhere” that is associated with criticism. Kopyt speaks “from the world,” and his voice is that of a participant. This perspective, reconstructed in the article on the basis of Kopyt’s Wersy o koniecznym oporze, allows the poet to diagnose the anachronism of some Marxist heterodox practices (autonomism), as well as to note and creatively develop the positive and negative entanglements of human and inhuman actors in the era of Capitalocene. 
PL
Autor artykułu podejmuje próbę wpisania Wersów o koniecznym oporze Szczepana Kopyta w teoretyczne ramy kapitałocenu. Punktem wyjścia czyni rekonstrukcję kondycji krytyki w antropocenie. Przeciwstawia się wyrażanym przez niektórych przedstawicieli i niektóre przedstawicielki dyskursu antropocenu przekonaniom o nieskuteczności krytyki wobec planetarnych wyzwań tej epoki. Dowodzi, że krytyka wciąż jest nam potrzebna, co podkreśla także alternatywna wobec antropocenu koncepcja kapitałocenu. Następnie autor przechodzi do dialogu z twórczością Kopyta. Korzystając zarówno z ustaleń teorii krytycznej, jak i z koncepcji (nowo)materialistycznych, wskazuje na uwikłanie Kopyta w obie te tradycje. Dowodzi, że poecie udaje się uniknąć wiązanego z krytyką „mówienia znikąd”. Kopyt mówi „ze świata”, jako jego uczestnik. Perspektywa ta, rekonstruowana w artykule na podstawie Wersów o koniecznym oporze, pozwala poecie zdiagnozować anachroniczność niektórych marksistowskich praktyk heterodoksyjnych (autonomizm), a także odnotować i twórczo rozwinąć pozytywne i negatywne splątania aktorów ludzkich i pozaludzkich w epoce kapitałocenu. 
EN
Slovak philosophy and political thought from the 19th century to the end of the first Czechoslovak Republic is characterised by various controversies about the character of nation-building thought. The main controversy was the conflict between the conservative and progressive streams. This was represented by controversies which broke out between “Štúrovci“ on the one hand and Š. Launer and J. Záborský on the other hand, between the Old and New schools and others. At the end of the 19th century T. G. Masaryk intervened into these ideological controversies in a fundamental way. He influenced a whole generation of Slovak intellectuals and inspired the emergence of a group known as the “Hlasists“. The activity of the Hlastists was founded on the basic ideas of Masaryk’s philosophy. Against the Hlasists and Masaryk, S. H. Vajanský and F. Jehlička offered fierce opposition. Many of the Hlasists were political representatives in the first Czechoslovak Republic. After the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918, the main ideological controversy was carried on between the representatives of the Czech orientation (Ivan Dérer, Vavro Šrobár, Milan Hodža) and the so-called autonomists (Andrej Hlinka, Ferdiš Juriga, Martin Rázus). Autonomism presented an endeavour to resist Czech cultural influence.
SK
Slovenské filozofické a politické myslenie od 19. storočia do konca prvej Československej republiky tvorí zmes sporov o charakter národotvorného myslenia. Hlavný spor predstavoval konflikt medzi konzervatívnym a pokrokovým prúdom. Reprezentovali ho spory, ktoré propukali medzi štúrovcami na jednej a Š. Launerom a J. Záborským na druhej strane, medzi Starou a Novou školou slovenskou a ďalšími. Koncom 19. storočia do týchto ideových sporov zásadným spôsobom zasiahol T. G. Masaryk, ktorý ovplyvnil celú generáciu slovenskej inteligencie a podnietil vznik skupiny známej ako Hlasisti. Činnosť Hlasistov vychádzala zo základných myšlienok Masarykovej filozofie. Proti Hlasistom a Masarykovi ostro vystupovali S. H. Vajanský či F. Jehlička. Viacerí z Hlasistov boli politickými predstaviteľmi prvej Československej republiky. Po vzniku Československa v r. 1918 hlavný ideový spor propukol medzi predstaviteľmi československej orientácie (Ivan Dérer, Vavro Šrobár, Milan Hodža) a tzv. autonomistami (Andrej Hlinka, Ferdiš Juriga, Martin Rázus). Autonomizmus reprezentoval snahu o ochranu pred českým kultúrnym vplyvom.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.