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PL
W oparciu o analizę koncepcji geopolitycznych odnoszących się do Ukrainy oraz na podstawie wydarzeń z ostatnich trzech dekad, autor stara się wykazać nieadekwatność klasycznej koncepcji Międzymorza dla zrozumienia sytuacji panującej na czarnomorsko-bałtyckim pomoście. Zamiast tego proponuje on dla terytorium Ukrainy koncepcję buforu oddzielającego Rosję od Zachodu (Polski). W kontekście celów politycznych Rosji ukazuje on niespójność terytorium Ukrainy, która może okazać się czynnikiem dezintegracji tego państwa. We wnioskach autor formułuje propozycje dokonania korekt w polskiej polityce zagranicznej, która w niewielkim stopniu uwzględnia obecnie zmieniające się realia geopolityczne.
EN
Based on an analysis of geopolitical concepts relating to Ukraine and based as well as on the events of the last three decades, the author tries to demonstrate the inadequacy of the classic concept of Intermarinum for understanding the situation prevailing on the Black and Baltic Seas bridge area. Instead, he proposes for the territory of Ukraine the concept of a buffer separating Russia from the West (Poland). In the context of Russia's political goals, it shows the inconsistency of Ukrainian territory, which may prove to be a factor in the disintegration of that country. In his conclusions, the author formulates proposals for corrections in Polish foreign policy, which to a small extent takes into account the changing geopolitical realities.
EN
Explaining the withdrawal of his signature from the Estonian- Russian Border Agreement, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov announced on June 27, 2005 that “they in the EU might have succumbed to the temptation of telling us to ratify it […] on your side also, with some interpretations attached, so that the treaty can enter into force. To stop the EU from falling into this temptation, we have withdrawn our signature. There will be no treaty”. Thus, Moscow actually punished the European Union, which seems logical as with regard to geopolitics and geostrategy, the border negotiations were held in the buffer zone between the European Union and Russia. In 2004-2005 Russia held simultaneous and also interconnected border negotiations with Japan, China, Kazakhstan, Latvia and Estonia, with agreements eventually signed only with China and Kazakhstan. Failures with Japan, Latvia and Estonia derived from Moscow’s position to keep all gains of World War II. At the same time Russia had related all its foreign affairs with the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II held in Russia, which was curiously used by the young Georgian leader Mikheil Saakashvili, whose quick and clear manoeuvres approved by the West turned the ordinary Rimland country Georgia into a classic geopolitical pivot. And all this was done at the expense of Russia’s influence. The highlight of the process was Saakashvili’s statement that he will come to Moscow on May 9th only if Russia agrees to withdraw its military bases from Georgia. The Kremlin considered it best to agree, however, as the European Council aside the US, uniting the problems of Estonia, Latvia and the non-EU member Georgia, also began to praise the latter for overcoming Russia, Moscow decided to punish the nearest available EU member in the given situation by withdrawing its signature from the Russian-Estonian border treaty.
PL
W artykule wyjaśniono proces rywalizacji między rosyjską a zachodnią koncepcją światowego porządku w perspektywie wydarzeń mających miejsce na Ukrainie od 1991 roku. Zgodnie z wstępnym założeniem, wojna na Ukrainie to wyraz rywalizacji między Rosją a Zachodem. Autor rozpatruje każdą stronę zaangażowaną w konflikt jako odrębny projekt zarządzania światem. Celem toczącej się walki jest wzmocnienie pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej przez Rosję i umocnienie jej hegemonii na obszarze tzw. bliskiej zagranicy, oraz niedopuszczenie do tego przez Stany Zjednoczone przewodzące całemu Zachodowi i dążące do uwolnienia się Ukrainy spod rosyjskiej dominacji. Autor rozpatruje wojnę na Ukrainie jako szansę dla tego państwa na wyjście spod wielowiekowych wpływów Rosji i odrzucenie rosyjskiego modelu rządzenia, oraz na zbudowanie własnej silnej podmiotowości w oparciu o stricte ukraińską ideę państwowości, podłożem której będą konceptualne założenia przyjęte na Zachodzie.
EN
The article explains the process of rivalry between the Russian and Western conceptions of world order in the perspective of the events taking place in Ukraine since 1991. According to the initial premise, the war in Ukraine is an expression of the rivalry between Russia and the West, the author considers each side involved in the conflict as a separate project of world governance. The goal of the ongoing struggle is for Russia to strengthen its position in the international arena and consolidate its hegemony in the area of the so-called “near abroad”, and to prevent this by the United States (and the West as a whole) which seeks to free Ukraine from Russian domination. The author considers the war in Ukraine as an opportunity for this country to get out from under the centuries-old influence of Russia and reject the Russian model of governance, and to build its own strong national entity based on a strictly Ukrainian idea of statehood, underpinned by conceptual assumptions adopted from the West.
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