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1
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Horyzont oczekiwań czytelniczych A.D. 1618 Tradycje epiki i romansów rycerskich w literaturze polskiej przed Gofredem… Tassa–Kochanowskiego

100%
Wierzbicka-Trwoga K.
Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne
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2019
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vol. 14
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issue 2
125-135
EN
The article considers circumstances contributing to the readership success of the Polish translation of The Goffredo… The author advances a thesis that the narrative poem in question met the expectations of Polish audience having been previously kindled not so much by Andrzej Kochanowski’s translation of The Aeneid, but rather by Polonized versions of mediaeval chivalric romances (Historja o cesarzu Otonie, Historia o Magielonie, Historia wdzięczna […] o Meluzynie). They gave the Polish readers their first chance to acquaint themselves with high chivalric culture, adventures of valiant knights, and their love affairs. After their publications in the 1560s, it was not until a half of century later that readers had a chance to enjoy a piece of literary work with a similar theme, that is The Goffredo… The success of the latter book was partly due to the precedence of particular literary pieces.
2
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Świecka literatura przekładowa XVI wieku – źródło do badań historii języka białoruskiego (na podstawie przekładów romansów rycerskich)

71%
Citko L.
Rozprawy Komisji Językowej ŁTN
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2018
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vol. 66
61-77
PL
W artykule analizowane są wybrane zagadnienia z zakresu fonetyki, fleksji i słownictwa w tekście starobiałoruskiego przekładu romansu rycerskiego (tzw. Białoruskiego Tristana), który zachował się w rękopiśmiennym kodeksie Raczyńskich z XVI wieku. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na leksykę zapożyczoną, omówiono głównie pożyczki przez medium polskie z innych języków (łacina, włoski, niemiecki, czeski). Korzystanie przez tłumacza z tych środków leksykalnych uzasadnione było potrzebami nominacyjnymi związanymi z opisem życia, rzemiosła wojennego, rozrywek stanu rycerskiego, a także pojęć ogólnych. Rodzimy zasób leksyki – wobec braku opisywanych desygnatów – okazał się bowiem niewystarczający do nominacji nowych realiów, zjawisk czy przedmiotów. Scharakteryzowano również słownictwo o proweniencji południowosłowiańskiej, a jego obecność może być argumentem przemawiającym za tezą o istnieniu tzw. redakcji serbskiej Tristana.
EN
In the article selected phonetic, inflexional and lexical questions concerning Old Belarusian translations of chivalric romances (based on the so-called Belarusian Tristan preserved in the 16th century manuscript of the Raczynski Codex) have been analyzed. Special attention has been focused on lexical borrowings. Main loanwords from other languages (Latin, Italian, German, Czech) through the Polish medium have been discussed. The usage of such lexical devices was justified by the nominal needs connected with the description of life, warcraft, knights’ activities as well as general concepts. A native lexical inventory was inadequate to nominate new realities, phenomena or objects. Vocabulary of South Slavonic origin, the presence of which may serve as evidence of the existence of a Serbian version of Tristan has also been described.
3
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Mostri musulmani. La deumanizzazione dell’antagonista miscredente nella storia di Buovo d’Antona dalla tradizione anglonormanna al Bovo-Bukh di Elia Levita

71%
Artico D.
Italica Wratislaviensia
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2024
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issue 15.1
239-263
IT
La storia di Buovo d’Antona attraversa manoscritta tutto il Basso Medioevo fino ad essere impressa in numerosi incunaboli andati in stampa fra Bologna e Venezia negli anni Ottanta del XV secolo. Da uno di questi Elia Levita trasse ispirazione per un suo poema yiddish che, scritto originariamente a Padova nel 1507, fu stampato a Isny, nel Württemberg, soltanto nel 1541. Questo Bovo-Bukh, come cominciò ad essere conosciuto, sarebbe diventato una pietra miliare della letteratura yiddish antica, venendo ristampato e adattato in vari centri europei della cultura Ashkenazi fino a Settecento inoltrato. La storia originale è tratteggiata nel poema anglonormanno Boeuve de Haumtone, i cui primi frammenti manoscritti risalgono alla fine del XIII secolo. Nel poema compare l’Escopart, un mostruoso gigante dai tratti diabolici che sta al servizio dei saraceni ma che, una volta battezzato, assume i contorni dell’aiutante magico, solo per poi rivoltarsi contro l’eroe che l’aveva risparmiato. La storia fu adattata in prosa da Andrea da Barberino nel Libro IV dei suoi Reali di Francia, in cui il miscredente appare come una specie di mastino mannaro chiamato Pulicane. Il nome diventerà Pellucano negli incunaboli veneziani e Pelukan in Levita. Nell’articolo si esamina l’evoluzione ideologica attraversata dal mostruoso miscredente sia in senso diacronico, sia rispetto ai sistemi assiologici di riferimento. Da antitesi plebea ed eterodossa del cavaliere cristiano di sangue nobile, infida e traditrice, si trasforma in un riformabile alleato dell’eroe, per vedere infine la sua originale appartenenza confessionale ridotta a un dettaglio insignificante nell’ambito del sincretismo monoteista di Levita.
EN
The story of Beuve of Hampton circulated throughout the Late Middle Ages and was printed in a number of incunables issued in Venice and Bologna in the 1480s. One of those inspired Elia Levita to compose his own Old Yiddish version known as the Bovo-Bukh. Though written in Padua in 1507, Levita’s poem was printed in Württemberg in 1541. The Bovo-Bukh became so popular that it continued to be widely read and adapted in several Ashkenazi centres in Europe until the late 18th c entury. T he original story goes b ack to Anglo-Norman Boeuve de Haumtone, whose earliest manuscripts are dated to the end of the 13th century. Its plot features a creature called Escopart. It is a giant freak in the service of the Saracens. Yet, once baptised, it turns into a magical Auxiliary. In the early 15th century, Andrea da Barberino adapted the story in prose as Book IV of his largely fictional chronicle of The Royal House of France. In this text, the unbeliever appears as a werehound named Pulicane, but its narrative function is quite similar to Escopart’s. With its name changed into Pellucano, the character is depicted in the Venetian incunables too. In Levita’s version, it becomes Pelukan. The purpose of this paper is to present the ideological changes in the depiction of the monstrous unbeliever, both in historical terms (the timespan of more than two centuries) and with reference to different axiologies. The strong prejudice of the Anglo-Norman tradition, in which the low-born and the unbelievers were depicted as hell spawn never to be trusted, was replaced by a common-sense approach in the later versions of the story. Finally, in Levita’s poem, the confessional background becomes unimportant in determining personal allegiances.
4

„Fortunat” Marcina Siennika: „abych zawsze pieniędzy dostatek miał”

57%
Wojtowicz W.
Pamiętnik Literacki
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2022
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vol. 113
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issue 2
47-65
PL
„Fortunatus”, wydany po raz pierwszy w Augsburgu w roku 1509 (anonimowo przez Johanna Otmara), a w drugiej połowie XVI wieku opublikowany po polsku w tłumaczeniu Marcina Siennika (który korzystał z edycji frankfurckiej z 1564 roku), należał do bestsellerów, był jednym z najbardziej poczytnych romansów tamtych czasów. Autor artykułu dyskutuje – w kontekście dotychczasowych badań polskich (skąpych i nieobszernych) oraz, przede wszystkim, germanistycznych (wieloaspektowych i wielowątkowych) – z ujęciami interpretacyjnymi „Fortunata”, a także ze stanowiskiem Jurija Striedtera w jego studium „Der polnische »Fortunatus« und seine deutsche Vorlage”, podstawowym (po dziś dzień) dla badań nad tłumaczeniem. Fikcjonalność tekstu, również zastosowane w nim różnorodne techniki i konwencje narracyjne, wpływają na różnorodność interpretacji, akcentujących każdorazowo dany aspekt podjętych konwencji. „Fortunat” stanowił autorskie przetworzenie w swoistą powieściową całość dostępnych w obiegu księgarskich druków niemieckojęzycznych, zasobów informacyjnych niesionych przez te wernakularne teksty. „Fortunat” tworzy z nich pewną nową i odmienną jakość. W pracach poświęconych temu utworowi zwraca się uwagę na brak w nim jednolitego systemu wartościowania (i interpretowania), na osadzenie narracji w kontekście świata wartości arystokratycznych, kodu rycerskiego, z jego symbolicznymi przedstawieniami, oraz świata cywilizacji mieszczańskiej, wczesnokapitalistycznej, z olbrzymim znaczeniem wymiany opartej na pieniądzu.
EN
“Fortunatus” was first published (anonymously by Johann Otamar) in Augsburg in the year 1509, and in the second part of the 16th c. in the translation of Marcin Siennik who used the Frankfurt’s 1564 edition. “Fortunatus” was a bestseller and one of the most widely read romance of its times. In the context of the Polish scanty and incomprehensive research to this day, and first and foremost the German multifaceted and varied approaches, the author of the paper challenges the interpretative stances of “Fortunatus” as well as the points of Jurij Striedter made in his work “Der polnische »Fortunatus« und seine deutsche Vorlage” (“The Polish »Fortunatus« and Its German Edition”), to this day the basic study for the research in the translation. Fictionality of the text, and also its various narrative techniques and conventions, offer interpretative diversity, each time accentuating a given aspect of the adopted convention. “Fortunatus” is an individual transformation into peculiar novelistic entity of the available in the German-language bookseller print circulation and information collection carried by the vernacular texts. It is a novel and distinctive quality. In the literature on the piece, attention is paid to the fact that it lacks a unified axiological (and interpretative) system, that the narrative is set in the context of the world of aristocratic values, in chivalry code with its symbolic representation, and the world of middle-class, early-capitalist civilisation with pecuniary exchange significance.
5

Rycerz, wojownik, poeta. Okołoliterackie aspekty kultury rycerskiej na Śląsku i jej czeskie inspiracje

50%
Sawina D.
Meluzyna. Dawna Literatura i Kultura
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2015
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vol. 1(2)
41-58
EN
One of the effects of the incorporation of Silesia into the Czech political influences between 13th and 14th centuries was the adaptation of the Czech customs by the Silesian Dukes from the royal Piast Dynasty. The frequent visits of the House of Luxembourg to the castles of the knights from the Piast Dynasty and the upbringing in Bohemia might have resulted in the custom of the tournaments. The development of the medieval poetry in Silesia was the result of the visits of famous artists and the compositions created in Silesia were equally valued as the works of Western poets. That was also due to the contacts with Bohemia, where German literature was greatly admired and followed.
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