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1

The Committee of the Regions: A Springboard for the Citizens

100%
Jiménez J. M.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
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2013
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vol. 3
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issue 2
38-49
EN
This study focuses on the relation between the Committee of the Regions (CoR), an advisory institution of the European Union defined as the political assembly of holders of a regional or local electoral mandate serving the cause of European integration, and the democratic deficit, understood as the effective ways of citizens’ participation in the institutional decision making. The work hypothesis is that the CoR, in spite of being mostly unknown to citizens, could be an effective tool for tackling the democratic deficit. Through qualitative interviews and surveys at different levels, the article analyzes the current situation and the potential opportunities of the CoR in its relation with citizens.
2
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SOCIAL ASSISTANCE IN BRAZIL. UNTAPPED POTENTIAL OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION?

88%
Cardoso Cekiera e Sousa C., Butowski K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
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2016
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issue 2
PL
Brazil, the biggest country in South America creates the image of boundless land with unlimited richness of cultural diversity on a large scale. But its also creates big and very complicated social problems, which need to be solved. There is this huge number of citizens, who participate exclusively in poverty, hunger, misery, deprivation and violence.This article shows that the history of the assistance was complicated and not linear, often inhibited its development due to certain historical events as a military dictatorship, which really slowed development. The Brazilian social policy was perceived as very inefficient and ineffective in fighting poverty. The article aims to trace the historical and current social assistance programs in Brazil.There was practically no state-run social policy. Only in the era of industrialization workers' rights were implemented because of the fear of revolution and strikes. Social rights, as provision of housing or facilities for education and health care services were only applied to the formally employed – mostly male – urban, industrial proletariat. The biggest group of agricultural labourers (the overwhelming majority of the wage-dependent population as well as the majority of women) and unclassified workers were excluded from these benefits. Help was received by the group that the regime considered as dangerous.  Social resistance against the dictatorial rule was growing.It all started to change when the capital accumulation led to the creation of factories. In particular, the low human capital development was seen as a major cause of long-term poverty. New subjects like trade unions, active members of the middle class, the Catholic Church led to a public debate, the effect of which became a climate conducive to the adoption of the Constitution of 1988. Article 6 says that education, health, work, housing, leisure, security, social security, protection of motherhood and children, help for the poor and are  social rights under the terms of this Constitution (Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil). This political agenda clearly pushed for the expansion and decentralization of public social spending. It has become a base for the social safety net. The solution for the problem became Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs. Bolsa–Escola, Comunidade Solidária Program, Alfabetização Solidária Program and finally Bolsa Familia aim to reduce poverty by making welfare programs conditional upon the receivers' actions. The assumption of purpose of these programs is to interrupt the inter-generational transmission of poverty. It can be also assumed that the aim of the Brazilian authorities was to achieve the effect of empowerment. The well-defined cashflows have resulted in the emergence of the phenomenon of empowerment, which has greatly raised the efficiency of social policy.
3
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Współdecydowanie w Euroregionie Sprewa-Nysa-Bóbr

75%
Mielczarek-Żejmo A.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 2
97-110
EN
The aim of the article is to describe the participation of the inhabitants of the Sprewa-Nysa-Bobr Euroregion (SNBE) in shaping its activities. The research questions concerned communication strategies in the Euroregion, the position occupied by the inhabitants in its organisational structure, and the assessment of its functioning. The presented analysis is based on the research conducted between 2013 and 2014, which included: a survey involving the quota sample of 400 Polish and 200 German inhabitants of the SNBE, in-depth interviews with 70 leaders in cross-border cooperation, and the analysis of documentation (documents of the SNBE, analysis of the website). In conclusions, the author notes that the possibilities of shaping the Euroregion activities are not fully used. This results from the fact that neither inhabitants nor activists in the SNBE are interested in co-deciding.
PL
Celem artykułu jest opis sposobów uczestniczenia mieszkańców Euroregionu Sprewa-Nysa-Bobr (ESNB) w kształtowaniu jego działalności. Kluczowe dla artykułu pytania dotyczą strategii komunikacyjnych ESNB, miejsca zajmowanego przez mieszkańców w strukturze organizacyjnej Euroregionu oraz oceny jego funkcjonowania. Podstawą analiz są badania zrealizowane w latach 2013-2014, ktore obejmowały: sondaż przeprowadzony na próbie kwotowej 400 Polaków i 200 Niemców zamieszkujących ESNB, wywiady pogłębione z 70 liderami współpracy transgranicznej oraz analizę dokumentarną (dokumenty ESNB, analiza strony internetowej). We wnioskach autorka zwraca uwagę, że możliwości kształtowania działalności Euroregionu tworzone przez przepisy prawa unijnego, nie są w pełni wykorzystywane. Wynika to z niskiego zainteresowania współdecydowaniem zarówno wśród mieszkańców, jak i działaczy ESNB.
4
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Wysłuchanie publiczne w Polsce – legitymizujący wymiar partycypacji obywateli w procesie ustawodawczym

63%
Lorencka M., Bokszczanin I.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2023
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issue 2(72)
141-153
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony praktyce stosowania narzędzi partycypacyjnych w procesie stanowienia prawa w Polsce. Przedmiotem badania uczyniono wysłuchanie publiczne, wprowadzone do polskiego porządku prawnego w 2005 r. Wykorzystano w nim przede wszystkim metodę instytucjonalno-prawną oraz porównawczą. Analizy zostały osadzone w ramach teoretycznych koncepcji demokracji partycypacyjnej, deliberatywnej i pluralistycznej, koncentrując się na wymiarze legitymizacyjnym procedury wysłuchania publicznego. Analiza normatywna oraz praktyka stosowania tej instytucji pozwala na sformułowanie uogólniających wniosków, które wskazują na jej potencjał legitymizacyjny, w tym na możliwości wpływania na układy instytucjonalne. Zarazem ujawniły one swoistą „wrażliwość” procedury wysłuchania publicznego na kontekst polityczny i społeczny, niosącą ryzyko przekształcenia jej w rodzaj instytucjonalnej fasady dla przedstawicielskiej reguły (o iluzorycznie partycypacyjnym charakterze).
EN
The article is devoted to the practice of using participatory tools in the law-making process in Poland. The subject of the study was the public hearing introduced into the Polish legal order in 2005. It mainly used the institutional-legal and comparative methods. Embedded in the framework of the theoretical concepts of participatory, deliberative, and pluralist democracy, the presented analyses focus on the legitimizing dimension of the public hearing procedure. The analysis of the normative construction and practice of using this institution allows for formulating general conclusions that indicate its legitimizing potential, including its potential to influence institutional arrangements. At the same time, however, this practice revealed a specific “sensitivity” of public hearing procedure to the political and social context, carrying the risk of transforming it into a kind of facade institution for the representative rule (with a somewhat illusory participatory character.
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