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EN
Territorial government, especially at the level of commune, is a specific organisation of local society in which inhabitants according to the law make up a civic community. This community has the right to independently decide about many issues concerning it and, by virtue of the occupied territory, also has the right to a say in the direction of the development of their local area. The author discusses issues connected with the concepts of territorial government, civic society and subsidiarity, and indicates the links between them.
PL
Samorząd terytorialny, a w szczególności jego gminny poziom, jest specyficzną organizacją społeczności lokalnej, w której mieszkańcy z definicji prawa składają się na wspólnotę obywatelską. Wspólnota taka posiada prawo do samodzielnego decydowania o wielu sprawach jej dotyczących oraz z racji zajmowanego terytorium, prawo do wypowiadania się o kierunkach rozwoju swojej lokalnej przestrzeni. Autor omawia zagadnienia związane z pojęciami samorządu terytorialnego, społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz subsydiarności i wskazuje na ich powiązanie.
EN
The article delivers an extensive view on the genesis and development of civil society in Taiwan, and presents the results of the analysis of a role that civil society in Taiwan plays in the shaping of institutional order, co-governance (local and national), the intermediation and representation of the individual (also summed in group interest) as well as the public interest in relation to the other actors of the social system (the state, the market and family). Taiwanese socio-political transformation is a model example of the transition from authoritarian rule into a democratic system. Conglomeration of socio-economic prerequisites lays as the basis for specific political culture of Taiwanese society, which not only has a significant impact on the participation of different groups of citizens in the public sphere, on their position in the social and civil dialogue, but primarily on their relationships with state institutions.
EN
This text has two aims - to relate the results of research carried out in IRWiR PAN (Institute for Rural and Agricultural Development Polish Academy of Sciences) on rural social capital and achieve a useful social interpretation of those results referring to the theory of social capital. Social capital is nowadays becoming a very important element in academic and political discourse. It is seen as having the potential for greater efficiency in levelling social differences, improving the opportunities of rural inhabitants. No matter how popular and positive, social capital can be understood in various ways due to its various theoretical sources, it is also possible to point out its negative aspects. This text is an attempt at showing the nuances of how social capital works. The first part presents the basic understanding of the category discussed here. The second part is a presentation of the results of empirical research where interpretation was carried out in the light of earlier outlined concepts.
EN
The article presents selected political determinants such as neutrality or federalism of political education in Switzerland, specifically taking into consideration their role in building democracy as well as identity and the development of civic competences. This paper also outlines the terminological problems in civic education from the Polish and German language perspective and the institutional and legal determinants used in political education. The conclusions drawn from the analysis can be useful in social studies or in the implementation of innovative system solutions in civic education.
EN
Participatory budgeting is one of the ideas for broader inclusion of local communities’ citizens (residents) in political life. This solution is a bottom-up process of budget prioritization and identification by citizens of which investments and projects should be implemented in their area. Participatory budgeting was first introduced in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 1989. Thus, it is a fairly new idea that has ąuickly become popular in other local communities, particularly in Latin America and Europę. Participatory budgeting presents specific possibilities of creating a decisional space for ordinary citizens who tum out to be able to manage public resources. It is also worth noting that the discussed solution prompts joint responsibility for society, as it is not limited to determining one’s individual needs, but forces participants to consider their demands in the context of other people’s proposals.
PL
Jednym z pomysłów na szersze włączenie obywateli (mieszkańców) wspólnot lokalnych w życie polityczne jest idea budżetu partycypacyjnego. Wskazane rozwiązanie to oddolny proces określania priorytetów budżetowych i wskazywania przez obywateli, które inwestycje i projekty należy realizować w ich miejscowości. Po raz pierwszy budżet partycypacyjny został wprowadzony w mieście Porto Alegre (Brazylia) w 1989 roku. Tak więc jest to nowy projekt, który dość szybko został rozpowszechniony w innych wspólnotach lokalnych, przede wszystkim Ameryki Łacińskiej i Europy. Budżet partycypacyjny pokazuje konkretne możliwości stworzenia przestrzeni decyzyjnej dla zwykłych obywateli, którzy okazują się zdolni do zarządzania zasobami publicznymi. Warto również zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż omawiane rozwiązanie skłania do wspólnotowego myślenia o społeczeństwie, gdyż nie ogranicza się do ustalenia przez każdego obywatela własnych potrzeb, lecz zmusza uczestników do rozważenia swoich postulatów w kontekście propozycji innych mieszkańców.
EN
Canons in education are social projects nested in a dynamic national tradition. Social and cultural changes as well as challenges of globalization result in changes of educational canons. Challenges of Polish transformation as well as requirements of the future enforce modifications of the current Polish canon of the romantic origin. The suggested changes are following: 1) changes in the meaning: transition from the ethnic meaning of “a nation” category to the civic one; 2) transition from the politics of a cultural domination to the politics of pluralism; 3) transition from communitarian democracy towards liberal democracy; 4) developing of a global, European, civic and intercultural dimensions in education; 5) redefining categories of “patriotism” and “the patriotic education”. The aforementioned changes should apply however evolutionary approach reinterpreting and modifying the contents of the current educational canon.
EN
The article considers the impact of non-governmental organizations (foundations, associations) through the lens of various political doctrines and taking into account the local context of the Polish law. The work describes the key differences among those doctrines and in their approach to their respective citizen-state relation.
EN
The paper investigates legal funding of the right to petition in Poland. It starts from a comparative background and it introduces the institution in a wider context, as a transparent and accessible for citizens legal solution, that has become an essential instrument of contemporary direct democracy and civic society. The author discusses regulations of the 2014 Acts on Petitions with reference to the Constitution of Poland and organisation of the Sejm and the Senate proceedings. Moreover, the study has placed the right to petition in a fieldwork of Polish system of human rights protection and Polish legal system in general. Finally, the paper presents results of opinion polls on direct democracy and civic engagement in Poland to discuss them with reference to previously presented construction of the right to petition as a legal institution. The author concludes with a relevant question on its further development in times of deep polarisation of Polish politics and during the Constitutional Crisis in the county.
EN
This text focuses on neglect in the area of critical listening education, using education in the United States as an example. Critical listening is a skill indispensable for, among others: critical thinking, communication-in-dialogue, and also for rational participation in institutions of a democratic society. The didactic of philosophy could take upon itself the initiation in critical listening. However, this is not the case. One of the reasons for this state of affairs seems to be the lack of a coherent philosophical theory of critical listening.
EN
The social sciences and economics ever more often connect cultural variables to social-economic cohesion processes. The article considers several theoretical and methodological issues in the analysis of culture, and in particular the way such ideas as institutions, social capital and civic society are used in studies on cohesion.
Muzealnictwo
|
2015
|
vol. 56
219-225
XX
The subject matter of this text is a broad context of social activities focused on the institution of the museum. These activities comprise initiating procedures for establishing the culture of remembrance and civic responsibility in order to strengthen the cultural heritage in creating the local community, in the social and cultural, and social and economic sense. The texts refers to a statement in Resolution no.6 from the 1st Congress of Polish Museum Professionals that ‘it is essential to launch a programme, within the framework of programmes of the Polish Minister of Culture and National Heritage, which would directly support pro-museum social activities’. Another important message is that this statement creates new creative possibilities based on activating the participation potential of institutions of the culture of remembrance. The author highlights the importance of launching the procedures of the Social Capital Development Strategy, as well as other tools whose activation is the responsibility of the Polish Minister of Culture and National Heritage. These reflections are supplemented by a regional annex with short descriptions of cultural initiatives in Ostróda County (Warmian-Masurian Voivodeshop), carried out thanks to community actions, which is focused on revealing the inhabitants’ needs for integration by creating local institutions of the culture of remembrance
PL
Przedmiotem rozważań niniejszego tekstu jest szeroki kontekst działalności społecznej skoncentrowanej wokół instytucji muzeum. Działania te to inicjowanie procedur służących budowaniu kultury pamięci i obywatelskiego poczucia odpowiedzialności za wzmocnienie roli dziedzictwa kulturowego w tworzeniu wspólnoty lokalnej, w wymiarach społeczno-kulturowym i społeczno-ekonomicznym. Tekst odnosi się do zapisu uchwały nr 6 I Kongresu Muzealników Polskich, iż należy stworzyć – w ramach programów Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego – program bezpośrednio wspierający promuzealne działalności społeczne. Ważne jest też przesłanie, że zapis ten otwieranowe możliwości kreacyjne i stwórcze, oparte na uaktywnianiu partycypacyjnego potencjału instytucji kultury pamięci. Autor wskazuje tu na istotność zainaugurowania procedur Strategii Rozwoju Kapitału Społecznego i innych narzędzi, których uruchomienie leży w gestii Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego. Rozważania uzupełnia aneks regionalny, zawierający krótkie opisy inicjatyw kulturotwórczych w powiecie ostródzkim (woj. warmińsko-mazurskie), realizowanych we wspólnotowym działaniu, nakierowanym na ujawnianie potrzeb integratywnych mieszkańców poprzez tworzenie lokalnych instytucji kultury pamięci.
EN
It is estimated that there are about 1.5 thousand non-governmental organizations in the region of the Lublin voivodeship, the almost half of which declare to be engaged in the charity and voluntary activity. Two organizations deserve a closer attention, that is Centrum Duszpasterstwa Młodzieży Archidiecezji Lubelskiej (CDM) (Center of Ministry for the Youth from the Lublin archdiocese) and Stowarzyszenia Centrum Wolontariatu in Lublin (CW) (Volunteer Center). In the collective awareness of Lublin’s citizens, those two subjects form a community which offers the youth a number of possibilities for involvement, especially is voluntary work. Is the popularity of the volunteer organizations reflected in the interest of the media? This article tries to answer this question by analyzing the local press in the Lublin voivodeship.
EN
Through the lens of economic categories, the article describes civic society in post-communist countries. The author first presents three analytic trends at work in civic society in Eastern Europe countries: sociological, economic and cultural. She then briefly describes the dysfunctional elements of civic society functioning in ex-USSR satellite countries, emphasising the pauctiy of deliberations on economic issues. The last part of the paper concentrates on the consequences of the lack of a middle class that typifies post‑communist societies yet which is considered to be the main agent in creating civic society.
PL
Pedagogika społeczna to świat wartości i pragmatyka służby człowiekowi. Doktryny polityczne to świat socjotechniki władzy nakierowanej na utrwalanie jej autonomii, skuteczności i niezależności. Na styku tych antagonistycznych światów rodzi się i stale istnieje konflikt, w którym społeczeństwo jest stroną słabszą, stroną bez szans. Jedyną jej „bronią” jest „społeczeństwo obywatelskie” – fenomen życia zbiorowego, oparty na idei wspólnoty i służby. Na idei budowania świata wedle reguł lokalnych, przy respektowaniu wartości uniwersalnych dla realizowania ogólnoludzkich wartości humanizmu i sprawiedliwości społecznej.
EN
The world of social pedagogy is comprised of the values and pragmatics of serving one’s fellow man. The world of political doctrines comprises social engineering, through which the autonomy, efficiency and independence of those in power is maintained. At the junction where this two antagonistic worlds meet, an ongoing conflict comes to life, where society remains the weaker side, the side that has no chance. The only ‘weapon’ available is the ‘civic society’ – the phenomenon of collective living, based on the ideals of community and servitude; the ideals of building a world in accordance with local rules, with respect for universal values and for the implementation of collective values of humanism and social justice.
EN
The paper argues that the original normativity that provides the basis for Habermas’s model of the public sphere remains untouched at its core, despite having undergone some corrective alterations since the time of its first unveiling in the 1960s. This normative core is derived from two individual claims, historically articulated in the eighteenth-century’s “golden age” of reason and liberty as both sacred and self-evident: (1) the individual right to an unrestrained disposal of one’s private property; and (2) the individual right to formulate one’s opinion in the course of public debate. Habermas perceives the public sphere anchored to these two fundamental freedoms/rights as an arena of interactive opinion exchange with the capacity to solidly and reliably generate sound reason and public rationality. Despite its historical and cultural attachments to the bourgeois culture as its classical setting, Habermas’s model of the public sphere, due to its universal normativity, maintains its unique character, even if it has been thoroughly reformulated by social theories that run contrary to his original vision of the lifeworld, organized and ruled by autonomous rational individuals.     
PL
W artykule wskazuje się, jak ważną rolę w demokracji odgrywa udział obywateli w sprawowaniu władzy. Dlatego też tradycyjne rozumienie sprawowania władzy zwierzchniej przez naród, przejawiające się w twierdzeniu, że „przez usta parlamentarzystów przemawia naród”, nie może być współcześnie bezkrytycznie akceptowane, zwłaszcza wobec wielości form angażowania się obywateli w proces decyzyjny oraz narzędzi umożliwiających artykulację ich żądań i potrzeb. Za trafne wydaje się rozumienie zasady suwerenności narodu jako związanie wszystkich organów władzy publicznej działających w RP wolą wyrażaną przez ogół obywateli. Wola ta jest prezentowana nie tylko w postaci preferencji wyborczych, ale także za pośrednictwem instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej, gdyż pośrednia forma sprawowania władzy w ramach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego nie może zostać uznana za wystarczającą i satysfakcjonującą. Jedną z form aktywności obywatelskiej jest prawo do zgromadzania się. Autorka wskazuje na kontrowersje wokół tej ustawy i dowodzi, że być może wynikają one z negatywnej praktyki konsultacji społecznych.
EN
The author indicates how important the role of citizens is in the exercise of power in democracy. Therefore, the traditional understanding of the exercise of supreme power by the nation, manifested in the statement that “the nation speaks through the mouths of parliaments” can not be uncritically accepted today, especially in the relation to the multiple forms of citizens’ involvement in the decision-making process and tools enabling the articulation of their demands and needs. It seems appropriate to understand the principle of national sovereignty as binding all public authorities operating in the Republic of Poland in the will expressed by all citizens. This will is presented by indicating certain views of preferences during elections, and also through the institution of direct democracy, because the indirect form of exercising power within civil society can not be considered sufficient and satisfying. One of the forms of civic activity is the right to gather. The authoress points to the controversy surrounding this bill and proves that it may be due to the negative practice of social consultations.
EN
Article shows youth paramilitary organisations activities and structure. The pre-Great War organisations and their role for regaining independence is shown, as well as official forming of academic military units fighting for Polish independence. Then the structure and tasks of organisations at that time are showed and compared with their role and ideas during the communist period. Mainly author focus on 21st century and present model of youth paramilitary organisations functioning and their role for the society – on the example of Legia Akademicka form Lublin.
EN
The paper considers the relationship between remembrance narratives on national heroes and proliferation of political attitudes, values and behaviours during democratisation. It discusses the impact of interpretations of the past on the development of civil society in the context of public education as an instrument of identity politics. Comparing the experiences of Chile, Estonia, Georgia, Poland, South Africa and Spain, the authors present the role of national heroes in the legitimisation of behaviours and attitudes, new elites and national unity. The discussed results prove that the establishment of a pro-democratic system of civic education increases chances for successful consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian countries.
PL
Główną przyczyną niskiej skuteczności planowania przestrzennego w Polsce wydaje się nie tyle mała dostępność zaplanowanych terenów pod zabudowę, ile rozmijanie się inwestycyjnych i ochronnych zamiarów władz publicznych oraz prywatnych użytkowników przestrzeni. Jedną z przyczyn takiego stanu rzeczy są złe regulacje w zakresie skutków prawnych partycypacji społecznej w planowaniu przestrzennym. W artykule przedstawiono pojęcie partycypacji społecznej w planowaniu przestrzennym w Polsce oraz w prawie niemieckim i angielskim.
EN
The main reason for low efficiency in land use planning in Poland seems to be not so much the limited availability of the areas to be developed as the lack of cohesion between investment and protective objectives of public authorities and private land users. One of the causes of such status quo is wrong regulations concerning legal consequences of public participation in land use planning. The purpose of land use planning process is to prevent the conflicts from happening by revealing and mutual balancing of the interests between legal and natural persons as well as by determining, in this particular context, possibilities of realizing the tasks (mainly in infrastructure) by public subjects. Without sanctions (administrative or judicial) connected with faultiness in balancing of the actual interests that are submitted, participation loses its practical and legal significance.
PL
Zagadnienie partycypacji mieszkańców nabiera na znaczeniu w praktyce działania polskich miast. Należy jednak zauważyć, że podejmowane inicjatywy w tym zakresie mogą mieć charakter fakultatywny bądź wynikający z regulacji ogólnokrajowych. Doświadczenia poszczególnych ośrodków miejskich w kierunku angażowania mieszkańców i uspołecznienia procesu rozwoju lokalnego są zatem bardzo zróżnicowane. W celu propagowania dobrych praktyk niezbędne jest usystematyzowanie wiedzy w przedmiotowym obszarze badań oraz diagnoza dokumentów strategicznych poszczególnych samorządów i realizowanych inicjatyw w praktyce. Artykuł ma na celu przynajmniej częściowe wypełnienie luki w przedstawionym obszarze badawczym, zawężając perspektywę badawcza do granic administracyjnych województwa śląskiego. Zaprezentowano w nim znaczenie partycypacji obywatelskiej w polityce lokalnej, odwołując sie do praktyk wybranych śląskich miast: Rybnika, Częstochowy oraz Dąbrowy Górniczej.
EN
The issue of inhabitants’ participation in policy making is becoming more and more important in the practice of Polish cities. It should be noted, however, that the undertaken initiatives can be both optional or resulting from the national regulations. Therefore the experience of different cities in terms of citizen involvement and empowerment of the process of local development are very diverse. In order to promote good practices we need to systematize knowledge relating to the topic in question. We also need to analyze strategic documents elaborated by cities and initiatives realized in practice. The article aims – at least partially – to fill in the gap existing in the presented scientific field, based on examples from the region of Silesia. It focuses on civic participation in the local policy in selected Silesian cities: Rybnik, Czestochowa and Dabrowa Górnicza.
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