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1

Auxiliary clitics in Polish

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Jagódzka D.

Linguistics Beyond and Within

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2018

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vol. 4

63-78

EN

Polish auxiliary clitics constitute an interesting set of data which draws attention to cross-linguistic differences among Slavic languages. A general principle for clitic placement in Indo-European languages is the one described by Jacob Wackernagel in his 1892 work. He concluded that clitics appeared in the second position in the clause, after the first word in a sentence. This pattern was true to some degree in Old Church Slavonic and still holds for a number of contemporary Slavic languages e.g. Serbo-Croatian, Slovene, Czech and Slovak which have second position clitics. Bulgarian and Macedonian have verb adjacent pronominal clitics and Polish has auxiliary clitics (Migdalski 2007, 2010, Pancheva 2005). Also in the older versions of Polish language the above mentioned tendency was strong. In Modern Polish auxiliary clitics attach to the l-participle most frequently. However, one of the unusual properties they possess is the ability to choose almost every clausal element for their host. Polish auxiliary clitics can trigger morphophonological alternations on their hosts, which is an affix-like property; however, at the same time they display clearly clitic-like behaviour when they attach freely to words of any lexical class. The aim of this paper is to present and analyze the morpho-syntactic properties of two kinds of auxiliary clitics: bound and free. The bound clitics carry person-number agreement markers for past tense (the so called ‘floating’ or ‘mobile’ inflections). The free clitic is the morpheme by used for conditional and subjunctive mood.

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Backernagel is Wackernagel Lite. On the “P-Minus 2” Clitics of Santali

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Hock H. H.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2013

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vol. 55

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issue 2

67-75

EN

Santali presents structures with subject clitics in “P minus 2” (P-2) position, before the final verb and enclitic on the preverbal element, a position called “Backernagel” by Kidwai (2005). P-2 is commonly considered to lack clear cross-linguistic support; moreover, while generative accounts can accommodate utterance-second position (P2) as adjunction to a left-peripheral projection, they have no ready way of accommodating P -2. The history and synchrony of Munda “P-2” have elicited several accounts. Anderson (2007) considers three possibilities: Reanalysis of Proto-Munda subject proclitics as enclitic; extension of postverbal object clitics to preverbal subject function; attachment of original resumptive pronouns to the preverbal element. I present evidence for a different hypothesis: The Santali Backernagel clitics originate as P 2 or classical Wackernagel elements. A more fine-grained definition of Wackernagel in terms of different prosodic domains (such as utterance/theme vs. rheme) permits the hypothesis that the apparent P -2 is still a W ackernagel position, but within the rheme rather than the entire utterance, and that within the rheme, the prosodically strongest, preverbal-focus element is the most attractive clitic host. I support my account with evidence from Santali and other Kherwarian languages (which offer traces of an original P 2 position) and parallel developments in Iranian (where the different stages in the development can be traced in greater detail). Backernagel, thus, is a subtype of Wackernagel, and there is no need to assume a typologically problematic P -2 position for Munda (or for various Iranian varieties).

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A developmental approach to diglossia: Bilectalism on a gradient scale of linguality

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Grohmann K. K., Kambanaros M., Leivada E., Rowe C.

Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics

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2016

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vol. 52

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issue 4

629-662

EN

The cognitive benefits of bilingualism have an impact on the processing mechanisms that are active during the acquisition process in a way that results in language variation. Within bilingual populations, the notion of “language proximity” is also of key importance for deriving variation. Certain sociolinguistic factors can invest the process of language development and its outcome with an additional layer of complexity that results from the emergence of mesolectal varieties which blur the boundaries of grammatical variants. We report data on the acquisition and development of object clitic placement in the two varieties of Greek spoken in Cyprus, and on performance in executive control tasks by monolingual, bilectal, and bi-/multilingual children. Comparing findings across experiments, the present study identifies the different factors that define “bilectalism” within the greater context of multilingualism, merging sociolinguistic and neurocognitive insights about language variation and how they inform development in diglossic contexts that involve closely related varieties-a study in comparative linguality.

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Towards phrasal attachment of European Portuguese proclitics. A corpus-based inquiry into diachronic phonology-syntax interface

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Nkollo M., Malczewska B.

Linguistica Copernicana

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2019

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vol. 16

EN

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PL

Ku nieafiksalnym związkom proklityka-czasownik w europejskiej odmianie języka portugalskiego. Badanie korpusowe nad zmianą w składni wywołaną czynnikami fonologicznymiArtykuł przybliża powody, dla których portugalskie (europejskie) zaimki atoniczne w pozycji prewerbalnej, dawniej stanowiące część innych wyrażeń, stały się wyrażeniami prozodycznie wprawdzie niesamodzielnymi, lecz składniowo samodzielnymi. Materiał empiryczny pochodzi z utworzonego przez autorów korpusu, opartego na tekstach z XVII, XVIII i XIX wieku, wydobytych z portugalskiej Narodowej Biblioteki Cyfrowej. Ważną rolę w ewolucji klityk odegrał model linearny zwany ‘interpolacją’, czyli brak styczności między przedczasownikową klityką a formą czasownika. Elementem, który jako jedyny mógł je rozdzielić w analizowanym czasie był wykładnik negacji não ‘nie’. Jego lokalizacja po zaimku eliminowała możliwość zmian alomorficznych, jakim ulegały w zwykłej proklizie zaimki 3 os. dopełnienia bliższego. To te właśnie zaimki były najczęściej oddzielone od formy czasownikowej przez não. Zmiana wyeliminowała bardzo trudne w przetwarzaniu mowy sekwencje sylab powstałych wskutek sąsiedztwa não-zaimek 3 os. (stąd popularność sekwencji o odwrotnym szyku: zaimek-não). Ponadto dowiedzione zostało istnienie tzw. samoistnej (nie wymuszonej) interpolacji. Analiza materiału językowego wskazuje, że była ona możliwa w kontekstach pozostawiających użytkownikom swobodę wyboru lokalizacji zaimka (przed bądź po czasowniku), a w których w obecnym portugalskim europejskim obowiązkowa stała się pozycja poczasownikowa.

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Příklonky a vazaly infinitivu

51%

Starý Kořánová I.

Studie z aplikované lingvistiky - Studies in Applied Linguistics

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2017

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vol. 8

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issue Zvláštní číslo 2017

109-120

EN

Word order of Czech enclitics is quite difficult to acquire for students of Czech as foreign language. While native speakers can “hear” the correct word order, the foreigner needs a set of rules to guide him. The usual rule for the word order of fixed enclitics seems to be breached quite often. The article focuses on one type of sentences in which the rule for the word order of fixed enclitics is violated, namely in sentences which except for a finite verb include an infinitive and consequently two series of enclitics. The finite verb and the infinitive each syntactically govern (are governor to) their respective enclitics which in turn are their subjects (recta). If the infinitive is part of the sentence predicate, the enclitics follow the usual rule of word order unless the infinitive becomes part of the sentence rhema (comments). In that case its subjects precede it. If the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate (in other words it is subject, object or complement), precedes it then the infinitive subjects follow it. However, if the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate, and is placed at the sentence end, then its subjects precede it. If the infinitive functions as an attribute to a noun, it follows the noun. If the nominal phrase N + infinitive starts a sentence then the reflexive particle se/si follows the infinitive in 98% of cases. If the enclitic personal pronouns occur in the reversed order, i.e. Acc.–Dat. order, or two dative enclitics follow one immediately after another then the enclitics subjects are as close as possible to their regens/ governor. The so-called contact dative, which does not have a governor, is not bound in this way.

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Auxiliary clitics in Polish

Backernagel is Wackernagel Lite. On the “P-Minus 2” Clitics of Santali

A developmental approach to diglossia: Bilectalism on a gradient scale of linguality

Towards phrasal attachment of European Portuguese proclitics. A corpus-based inquiry into diachronic phonology-syntax interface

Příklonky a vazaly infinitivu