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Cmentarz żydowski w Modrzejowie

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EN
The Jewish cemetery in Sosnowiec-Modrzejow, one the of oldest and most interesting examples of sepulchral art in the Silesian-Dąbrowa region, was renovated in 1990-1993- The cemetery, probably founded at the turn of the eighteenth century, is at the moment the only „live” testimony of the existence of a population of the Mosaic faith. The cemetery was renovated by the Jewish Religious Community in Katowice thanks to funds granted by Jews whose roots reach back to Modrzejow and who reside in Canada, Israel, the United States and other countries. The structure of the tombstones (the matsevas, sarcophagi „tree trunks” and relief inscriptions on many of them) as well as the specificity of the symbolic stratum permit us to regard the necropolis — alongside those in Mikołow, Pyskowice, and Tychy-Bieruń Stary — as a small-town cemetery of considerable landscape and historical merits. Up to the late 1980s the site was neglected and to a great extent devastated; many of the tombstones, especially the matsevas, were damaged and lay on the ground. The situation was additionally complicated by the general accessibility of the cemetery which was completely unprotected and not isolated from the surrounding environment. The lush vegetation of the area was used by the local population for cattle grazing. The pedestels and walls of the graves were removed during reconstruction. The tombstones were placed on rectangular high postuments, in this way making it possible to better protect the sandstone objects from dampness and to display them in the surrounding high grasses. Free spaces created by gaps in the inner substance were filled by new objects: a cenotaph composed of double matseva stelae (commemorating the victims of the second world war), a contemporary slab-stela monument and a lapidarium (with 57 details and fragments of tombstones). The revalorization of the cemetery (at present containing 271 monuments) was completed in September 1993 after the installation of a permanent fence made of vertical iron bars. As a result of the renovation, the cemetery received a legible and clearcut configuration which harmoniously supplements the small-town landscape of Modrzejow. The reconstruction certainly achieved its aim despite the fact that the introduction into the historical substance of new elements (cenotaph, slab-stela monument) appears to be controversial.
EN
For decades, Jewish cemeteries in Poland have been deprived of care ensured by families of the deceased. Unrenovated, unconservated and, in many localities, gradually devastated, they disappeared owing to their usage as an easily accessible source of construction material (Dąbrowa Gornicza, Olkusz, Toszek, Mysłowce, Chorzow, Raciborz). Broken and cracked headstones found in areas overgrown with trees and weeds, often used as rubbish dumps — this was the most commonly encountered appearance of such sites throughout the country. Only in several score localities are Jewish cemeteries the objects of constant care. The Hebrew language contains several expressions used to describe the concept of a cemetery: Bejt chaim — the house of life, Bejt olam — the house of eternity, or Der hajlike ort — the holy place. Their Polish counterparts are kirkut, kierkow or okopisko. One of the basic Biblical duties in Jewish religion and culture is that of burying the dead and respect for the burial site. The cemetery was, and is regarded as a venerated spot. The Judaic religion regards burial sites as a particular sacrum and has no concept of a liquidation of a cemetery. The first Jews in Upper Silesia and the later Dąbrowa Basin appeared at the beginning of the twelfth century and during the fourteenth century. The development of mining and industry in the first half of the nineteenth century, and the partially equal rights granted to the Jewish community in the Prussian state in 1812 made it possible to establish new kahals and generated an influx of Jews to particular towns and settlements. Heretofore findings place the number of historical cemeteries in the Katowice voivodeship at about 450, including 45 necropolises of the Mosaic faith, dating from the seventeenth to the twentieth century. Some 95% of the historical necropolises are objects from the turn of the nineteenth century. Only 33 cemeteries contain extant gravestones, and the others were liquidated during the second world war and the 1960s and 1970s. The oldest necropolis in the voivodeship is the cemetery in Olkusz, founded in the second half of the sixteenth century (about 1584). Historical “houses of eternity” are found in Wielowieś, Mikołow, Kromołow, Chrzanow, Bieruń Stary and Będzin. Eleven cemeteries contain extant funeral houses. Only four out of a total of 33 Jewish cemeteries are listed in a register of historical monuments. On 18 July 1991, the Sejm passed an amendment to the law about cemeteries and the burial of the deceased, guaranteeing inviolability to cemeteries of all religions.
EN
The purpose of this article is to point the Jewish gravestone’s inscriptions as a source of interdisciplinary research. They contain for example the rich Biblical onomastics and phraseology and also a lot of citations from Bible – especially in eulogies and lamentations. The matzevot and inscriptions can be a starting point to the comparative studies on the level of language, theology, culture: including sepulchral tradition of Jews and Christians.
PL
Cmentarz w kulturze żydowskiej często określano mianem „Domu Wieczności”. Od schyłku średniowiecza zwano go eufemistycznie „Domem Życia”. Określano go jeszcze na wiele innych sposobów, a wszystkie znamionowały szacunek i cześć. W ciągu wieków wykształciło się wiele obyczajów i  regulacji prawnych związanych z  pochówkami. Rozplanowanie tradycyjnego cmentarza żydowskiego nawiązuje do obyczajowości religijnej. Na takim cmentarzu zachowany jest m.in. podział na kwatery lub rzędy grobów męskich i żeńskich. Na przestrzeni wieków szczegółowo określono odległości pomiędzy poszczególnymi grobami. Osobna symbolika oraz lokalizacja przysługuje grobom kohenów (kapłanów). Oznaczano je na nagrobkach symboliką dłoni w geście kapłańskim. Członków tego rodu obowiązują również pewne specjalne przepisy dotyczące obyczajów grzebalnych. Chodzi o praktykę umieszczania grobów kapłańskich w bliskiej odległości od wejścia na cmentarz lub blisko muru cmentarnego. Dzięki temu można było oglądać grób swoich bliskich nawet nie wchodząc na cmentarz. Miało to uniemożliwić skażenie rytualne poprzez kontakt z innymi grobami podczas odwiedzin grobów bliskich. Wraz ze zmianami obyczajowymi i sekularyzacją zmieniał się też wygląd i rozplanowanie cmentarza żydowskiego.
EN
In Jewish culture the Jewish cemetery was frequently referred to as “the House of Eternity”. Since the final years of the Middle Ages it was euphemistically called “the House of Life”. It was also referred to also by many other names, and all of them were characterised by honour and respect. During the course of the centuries many customs and legal regulations associated with the burial of the dead were formulated. `e layout of the traditional Jewish cemetery refers to the religious customs. Such a cemetery preserves, among other things, the division into sections or rows of graves of men and women. During the course of the centuries the distance between the particular graves was precisely determined. A separate set of symbols and localisation is attributed to the graves of the (Cohens) Priests. These symbols were marked by the image of the hands in a priestly gesture. The members of this family are also bound by speci#c regulations concerning the sepulchral customs. These have to do with the practice of placing priestly graves in the proximity of the entrance or of the cemetery wall. Owing to this the grave of one’s relatives could be seen even without entering the cemetery itself. `is was supposed to preclude a ritual contamination by the contact with other graves that are visited. `e changes of the customs and the secularisation was accompanied by the change of the appearance and the layout of the Jewish cemetery.
PL
Artykuł, oparty na zapiskach Nachmana Blumentala odkrytych przeze mnie w czasie pracy nad jego archiwum, które wydobyłam na światło dzienne, oraz na dokumentacji dwóch śledztw, traktuje o współsprawstwie Polaków – mundurowych (policji granatowej) i cywilów – w nazistowskim projekcie Zagłady w powiecie dębickim podczas okupacji niemieckiej. Analizuję w nim mechanizm, który uruchamiał przemoc antysemicką w ramach Judenjagd, czyli polowania na Żydów. Dowodzę, że to postawa i zachowanie otoczenia zadecydowały o skuteczności niemieckiego nazistowskiego projektu prześladowania i mordowania wszystkich Żydów bez wyjątku. Grupa większościowa odgrywa rolę „drugiej instancji” (Elżbieta Janicka). Rekonstruując zbrodnię na Arielu Blumentalu i Marii Blumentalowej w czerwcu 1943 roku w Brzezinach, Małej i Wielopolu Skrzyńskim oraz dekonstruując mistyfikację zbrodni przez mieszkańców, pokazuję, na czym polega proces i jak funkcjonuje mechanizm samoprzedstawiania się jako osoby niezaangażowanej. „Obserwatorzy uczestniczący” (Elżbieta Janicka) maskują bowiem własny udział w zamordowaniu rodziny Nachmana Blumentala. Moje zadanie polega zatem na interpretacji tego, co zostało powiedziane, i tego, co nie zostało powiedziane. Zbrodnia, o której traktuje artykuł, jest emblematyczna w tym sensie, że rzuca światło na ramę społeczno-kulturową i na krajobraz Zagłady. Pokazuje samotność ukrywających się, wydanych i skazanych na śmierć przez sąsiadów.
EN
This article – which is based on the records of Nachman Blumental that I discovered as part of my work on his archive material and that I brought to light, as well as on the documentation of two official investigations – deals with the complicity of Poles – uniformed (the policja granatowa, or Blue Police) and civilians – in the Nazi project to kill every Jew without exception in Dębica County during the German occupation. I analyze the mechanism that set in motion antisemitic violence within the framework of the Judenjagd, i.e. the Jew hunt. I argue that it was attitudes and behaviors in the environment that determined the effectiveness of the German Nazi project to persecute and murder all Jews without exception. The majority group plays the role of “second instance” (Elżbieta Janicka). By reconstructing the crime against Ariel Blumental and Maria Blumental in June 1943 in Brzeziny, Mała and Wielopole Skrzyńskie, and by deconstructing the mystification of the crime by the inhabitants, I uncover the foundations of this process and show how the mechanism of self-representation as non-involved functions. “Participating observers” (Elżbieta Janicka) mask their own participation in the murder of Nachman Blumental’s family. The task, then, is to interpret both what is said and what is not said. The crime discussed in the article is emblematic in that it sheds light on the socio-cultural framework of the Holocaust and its landscape. It shows the loneliness of those who were hiding, handed over and sentenced to death by their neighbors.
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