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1

Die Anfänge der Europäischen Integration – erste Bemühungen um kollektive Sicherheit in Europa

100%

Schelle K.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2013

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vol. 10(10)

67-71

EN

At first sight, the idea of European integration seems to be an entirely modern matter. If we talk about it, it is most likely in frames of decades, or utmost (considering the change of millennium) we talk about it as a matter of the last century. However, we can undoubtedly find roots of European integration far earlier – namely in the period when Roman Empire was forming not only the disposition of Europe, but also the history of a part of the African and Asian continent. Although motivations of those, who inspired the European integration, were different, we can also see efforts to ensure lasting peace by peace agreements.

2

Stanowisko rządu brytyjskiego wobec reformy Ligi Narodów w 1936 roku

100%

Jeziorny D.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 3 (376)

27-49

EN

In the first months of 1936 Great Britain lost both its prestige in the international arena (unsuccessful measures undertaken in response to Italian aggression in Abyssinia) as well as real guarantees of security (remilitarization of the Rhineland, which was a violation of the Treaty of Versailles and the Locarno Treaties). No wonder then that the government of Stanley Baldwin endeavored to take over initiative and in March 1936 declared willingness to reform the League of Nations and the entire system of collective security. The article answers the following questions: Who in the British government presented London’s proposals in this context? How did London intend to implement them? To what extent did British diplomacy plan to act as leader in the process of working out the reform of the League of Nations? Anthony Eden’s address at the meeting of the Assembly of the League of Nations on 25th September 1936 supplied answers to the above questions. It communicated the attitude of British diplomacy to the League of Nations and the idea of collective security. However, many observers found the address bland and signaling British passivity. The article explains why the head of British diplomacy presented such wishy-washy proposals. The basic research method was analysis of the documents of the British government and Foreign Office.

3

The New Zealand Defence Force and Ukraine: military contributions to foreign and defence policy

100%

Greener B. K.

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2023

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vol. LII

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issue 3

151-164

EN

New Zealand has demonstrated strong support for Ukraine since the Russian invasion of February 2022. From logistical support to infantry training, the NZDF has been a key player in helping to deliver on the New Zealand government’s general statements of support. Though located far from the conflict, New Zealand’s traditional values of support for international law, democracy and collective security in the face of external aggression have all been major drivers for these deployments. But certain other drivers, such as recent problems with recruitment and retention in the armed forces, are perhaps lesser known but also important in rounding out an understanding of why and how New Zealand has responded to the situation.

4

British Diplomacy and the Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance (1934)

88%

Jeziorny D.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2016

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vol. 113

EN

The Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance (called at the beginning ‘Eastern Locarno’) was a Franco-Soviet initiative which drew much attention of politicians and public opinion in Europe in 1934. It was a proposal to be implemented into the collective security system. The article addresses the following questions: What was the main aim of British diplomacy in European affairs in 1934? Was London interested in the idea of an Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance? Did the British diplomats see any profit for their country’s security in a Franco-Soviet proposal? Were they active in European diplomatic relations in the case of the Eastern Pact and if so to what extent? How did they understand collective security in East Central Europe? And how did they assess attitudes and motivations of the proposed signatories of this new coalition of states?

5

European Union as a System of Collective Regional Security During the Economic Crisis. Influence of Austerity Measures on the Defence Spending of France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom

88%

Kacała J.

Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"

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2013

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issue 6

231-248

EN

The article entitled „European Union as a system of collective regional security during the economic crisis. Influence of austerity measures on the defence spending of France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom” seeks to analyse three different issues. The first is the general tendencies within the defence budgets of the biggest defence spenders in the European Union: France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom between 2005 and 2010. The second is the risks that result from potential influence of the economic crisis on armaments policies within the EU. The third is the opportunities that may emerge as a result of the defence procurement and defence R&D being impacted on by the negative global economic situation.

PL

Artykuł zatytułowany „Unia Europejska jako kolektywny system bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w czasie kryzysu ekonomicznego. Wpływ oszczędności na wydatki zbrojeniowe Francji, Hiszpanii, Niemiec, Wielkiej Brytanii i Włoch”poświęcony jest analizie trzech zagadnień. Pierwszym z nich są ogólne tendencje występujące w ramach budżetów obronnych tych państw Unii Europejskiej, które przeznaczają największe fundusze na zbrojenia: Francji, Hiszpanii, Niemiec, Wielkiej Brytanii oraz Włoch. Drugim z zagadnień są zagrożenia, jakie niesie ze sobą potencjalny wpływ kryzysu ekonomicznego na polityki zbrojeniowe wewnątrz UE. Trzecim zagadnieniem z kolei są potencjalne szanse, jakie mogą powstać w rezultacietakiego wpływu.

6

The cooperation between the African Union and the European Union in the field of migration and collective security as an absolute imperative

87%

Diallo B. S.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2020

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vol. 82

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issue 4

233-244

EN

At a time when Africa is strengthening its attractiveness, acquiring its own story and arousing the interest of new partners, and when Europe is going through an important economic and institutional crisis, what can the new bases for cooperation between the European Union and the African Union be? The Abidjan summit in November 2017 offered an opportunity to reflect on the achievements of bi-regional cooperation between Africa and Europe in the field of migration, peace and security. It emphasized the priority of education, support for sustainable and inclusive development, and multi-sector cooperation, stating that all of them be carried out within the framework of horizontal cooperation favouring reciprocal Africa-European Union contributions. However, one must be aware of the constraints, weighing on both partners, which hinder implementation of the agreed strategies.

7

World Responsibility to Act in Russia’s War Against Ukraine

75%

Kuźniak B., Zeman I.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2022

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issue 4(51)

85-94

EN

The article aims to address the following question: in the case of a war in Ukraine, is public international law an obstacle to the application of combined international enforcement action within the framework of the collective security system under the auspices of the United Nations, or whether such impediments lie elsewhere? Russia’s presence in the Security Council as a permanent member, and thus endowed with the privilege of vetoing resolutions, paralyses this body. Therefore, the subject of the analysis is what other actions of the United Nations are permitted by law. It is important for assessing the status of the UN as a collective actor in international relations, the main objective of which, under Art. 1 of the UN Charter, is “to maintain international peace and security, and, to that end: to take effective collective measures for (…) the suppression of acts of aggression”. Bearing in mind the fact that international law is a consensual legal order, the article assesses its available compulsory mechanisms and instruments. The supplementary objective is to determine whether it is permissible to use the term “war” with regard to the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

8

The Attitude of the British Dominions to the Geneva Protocol

75%

Valkoun J., Novotný L.

Littera Scripta

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2017

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vol. 2

157-164

EN

The study is based on unpublished sources of British provenance and on scientific literature. It analyses the attitude of the British dominions to the suggested Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes (Geneva Protocol) in the autumn of 1924. Great Britain, as one of the main victors of the war, had to react to situations brought on by the new reality of the years following 1918. This primarily concerned its approach to the system of collective security that was constructed in order to prevent the horrors of war. The Geneva Protocol signified a certain climax in these efforts, in particular by France, who wanted to push through its views on collective security. After the victory of the Conservatives in the parliamentary elections in the autumn of 1924, it became clear that obligations such as compulsory arbitration or the possibility of the British Navy sailing out on behalf of the interests of the League of Nations were unacceptable to His Majesty’s Government.

9

Military-political potential for maintaining peace and stability by global governance structures (for example, the UN)

51%

Kalyayev A., Rudenko L.

Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

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2021

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issue 6

5-17

EN

The article focuses on the effectiveness of global governance structures in the field of security against the background of increasing confrontation between powerful geopolitical players, tensions between rich and poor countries and the struggle for resources and markets. The aim of the article is to define the role and outline the prospects of global security governance, in particular based on the example of relevant UN instruments. The UN Security Council is seen as a peacekeeping instrument. Its status and powers are outlined. UN peacekeeping operations are argued for as a systemic phenomenon. Problems that negatively affect the efficiency, effectiveness and success of its peacekeeping operations and trends in the further development of UN peacekeeping activities have been identified. The latter are called upon to be ready to promptly address the task of neutralizing threats and avoiding military conflicts. It is argued that the security system needs to be reorganized and improved through the expansion of the UN peacekeeping force and the creation of new joint military formations on a permanent basis.

PL

Artykuł koncentruje się na efektywności globalnych struktur zarządzania w obszarze bezpieczeństwa na tle narastającej konfrontacji między potężnymi graczami geopolitycznymi, napięć między krajami bogatymi i biednymi oraz walki o zasoby i rynki. Celem artykułu jest określenie roli i zarysowanie perspektyw globalnego zarządzania bezpieczeństwem, w szczególności na przykładzie odpowiednich instrumentów ONZ. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ jest postrzegana jako instrument utrzymywania pokoju. Nakreślono jej status i uprawnienia. Operacje pokojowe ONZ są uważane za zjawisko systemowe. Zidentyfikowano problemy, które negatywnie wpływają na skuteczność i powodzenie operacji pokojowych oraz tendencje w dalszym rozwoju działań pokojowych sił ONZ. Te ostatnie powinny być gotowe do szybkiego podjęcia zadania neutralizacji zagrożeń i unikania konfliktów zbrojnych. Twierdzi się, że system bezpieczeństwa wymaga reorganizacji i usprawnienia poprzez rozbudowę sił pokojowych ONZ oraz tworzenie nowych wspólnych formacji wojskowych na stałe.

10

SSSR kak sistemnyy igrok nakanune Vtoroy mirovoy voyny:

51%

Naumov A. O.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2020

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vol. 28

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issue 1

5-21

EN

The most promising concept for peacekeeping in Europe in the 1930s seemed to be a system of collective security that included the main powers of the continent. However, such a combination was not in the plans of the countries seeking to revise the European status quo – Italy and especially Germany. Until the mid- 1930s, the USSR was also a supporter of collective security. As a result of the conclusion of the Munich Agreement, the European balance of power has changed dramatically and is approaching the beginning of World War II. After the occupation of Austria and subsequently the border areas of Czechoslovakia, Germany strengthened its position in Central Europe and gained a more advantageous opportunity for further expansion on the continent. First against Poland in 1939, then against the West in 1940 and finally in 1941 in the East against the Soviet Union.

11

Bezpieczeństwo zbiorowe a suwerenność państw

45%

Diallo B. S.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2013

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vol. 75

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issue 4

37-50

EN

The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level.

PL

Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.

Refine search results

Die Anfänge der Europäischen Integration – erste Bemühungen um kollektive Sicherheit in Europa

Stanowisko rządu brytyjskiego wobec reformy Ligi Narodów w 1936 roku

The New Zealand Defence Force and Ukraine: military contributions to foreign and defence policy

British Diplomacy and the Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance (1934)

European Union as a System of Collective Regional Security During the Economic Crisis. Influence of Austerity Measures on the Defence Spending of France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom

The cooperation between the African Union and the European Union in the field of migration and collective security as an absolute imperative

World Responsibility to Act in Russia’s War Against Ukraine

The Attitude of the British Dominions to the Geneva Protocol

Military-political potential for maintaining peace and stability by global governance structures (for example, the UN)

SSSR kak sistemnyy igrok nakanune Vtoroy mirovoy voyny:

Bezpieczeństwo zbiorowe a suwerenność państw