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1

A School That Forms? A Look at the Years of the Communist Regime and the Present

100%
Neupauer F.
Ethnologia Actualis
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2015
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vol. 15
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issue 1
126-136
EN
Based on personal experience of students and use of archives, the study shows how totalitarian ideology of communist regime influenced students and aimed at socialization of villages - collectivization. Real examples imply various questions in relation to the past and the future: How should teachers influence students nowadays? Should history classes focus on historical facts, or should they form students and their values?
2
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Domácí práce a druhá směna v režii československých ženských organizací v letech 1945-1948

75%
Láníková M., Souralová A.
Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)
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2015
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vol. 102
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issue 3
281-306
EN
This paper focuses on the discourse of the second shift and domestic work in the Czechoslovakia presented by journals of women´s organizations, 1945-1948. After the mobilisation of the workforce in the post-war Czechoslovakia, women started to be encouraged to take up paid jobs. Together with the rising number of women in paid jobs the so called second shift was established. That means that women were burdened with two roles: those of breadwinners and housewives. The help offered by women´s organizations was represented by the delegation of housework on other women. The solution of the lack of the domestic help consisted in qualification and professionalization, thus establishing this job as a regular one. The establishment of the institution with a suitable name "Liberated Household" was perceived as the ideal solution.
3

„Orędownicy kolektywizacji” na podstawie księgozbioru biblioteki w osadzie wiejskiej Czerwieńsk w powiecie zielonogórskim w latach 1949-1956.

75%
Koteluk D.
Studia Zachodnie
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2014
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vol. 16
117-119
PL
W 1948 r. polscy komuniści przystąpili do socjalistycznej przebudowy wsi wzorowanej na radzieckich doświadczeniach. Jej celem było usytuowanie, ubezwłasnowolnionych pod względem ekonomicznym, rolników w kontrolowanych przez państwo spółdzielniach produkcyjnych. W akcji tej uczestniczyli również bibliotekarze, którzy w osadzie wiejskiej Czerwieńsk w powiecie zielonogórskim w latach 1949-1956 oferowali książki zachęcające chłopów do jej poparcia. Byli oni przede wszystkim popularyzatorami kolektywizacji, ponieważ o doborze dostępnych w księgozbiorze publikacji poruszających tę tematykę decydowały władze komunistyczne. W obliczu ideologizacji kultury wiejskiej, nieliczni, stali czytelnicy biblioteki w Czerwieńsku zapoznawali się z dawną polską literaturą klasyczną autorstwa Józefa Ignacego Kraszewskiego, Marii Konopnickiej, Bolesława Prusa i Stefana Żeromskiego. Unikano przy tym radzieckich i krajowych publikacji gloryfikujących dyskusyjne osiągnięcia gospodarki zespołowej.
EN
In 1948 Polish communists initiated a socialist redevelopment of a village based on Soviet experience. The purpose of this process was to locate farmers in production cooperatives which were controlled by the country. This operation was also supported by librarians, who in the rural settlement of Czerwieńsk, Zielona Góra District, between 1949-1956 offered books which would encourage peasants to support the idea. They were, above all, popularisers of collective farming, as the choice of books on this topic was made by communist authorities. Confronted with the ideology of rural culture, only few regular members of the library in Czerwieńsk became gradually acquainted with Polish classic literature of Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, Maria Konopnicka, Bolesław Prus and Stefan Żeromski. Soviet and national publications praising arguable achievements of group management were avoided.
4
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Land Reform after 1945. The Inception of the unsuccessful collectivization in the German Democratic Republic

75%
Soběhart R.
Littera Scripta
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2017
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vol. 1
154-165
EN
The study focuses on the issue of the land reform in the Eastern part of Germany, which was occupied by the Soviet army after 1945. The land reform was a key part of future collectivization in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Many causes of the future failure of the collectivization can be found in the events after 1945. After 1045, the areas of East Germany became an area with a number of test runs of the socialist economic experiment. Agriculture was one of the main areas in which the KPD interest group tried to enforce its ideas about collective ownership and thereby gain a dominant position by creating a type of “inclusive” society that excluded big landowners who were the targets of the first stage of the “socialist revolution” in rural areas – the land reform.
5

Z poetyki listu chłopskiego do władzy. Od stalinizmu do małej stabilizacji

75%
Gajewski K.
Rocznik Antropologii Historii
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2016
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issue 9, Dziedzictwo kulturowe
205–228
XX
Researchers' interest in the poetics of letter writing is growing in recent years. However, it is mainly devoted to particular, historical periods. However, a letter as a speech genre is investigated as a kind of ego-document, which recently becomes an object of numerous publications. The term speech genre was adapted from the theory of Michail Bakchtin. According to him a single speech genre contains three elements, whose coexistence constitutes its identity. These are: style, composition, and topic. Next, a narratology by Vladimir Propp is invoked as an inspiration for a method of analysis of letters from peasants to the authorities. After presentation of general approach and methodology of the paper the examination of the research data and the interpretation follows. The research data consists of 84 letters written by Polish peasants in the 50s. and in the 70s. As for the topics of the texts analyzed, the first period brings letters, whose content is dominated by the subject of the division of agricultural land, on the one hand, and collectivization on the other. Collectivization was carried out under the banner of the creation of cooperatives, which were sometimes conducted in a very harsh and brutal way. The letters from the 70s suggest a more optimistic mood, yet still full of everyday problems. The stylistics analysis of the research data was performed and the strong influence of the oral style was found in the form of oral residua. The composition of letters turned out to be a hybrid one, since it incorporates elements both of an official petition and an oral skaz.
6
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Technology of Soviet Myth Creation about Famine as a Result of Crop Failure in Ukraine of the 1932–1933s

75%
Sokolova S.
Journal of Modern Science
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2019
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issue 3(42)
37-56
EN
According to the Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, over 3, 9 million people died during the famine of the 1932–1933s However, it’s impossible to define the exact number of the dead due to liquidation of the 1937 census data by the soviet authorities who deliberately aimed at violating complete record of the deaths and stated in the documentation other death reasons instead of the ones caused by the famine. To disguise this criminal offence the soviet government directed all its efforts to creation of a myth pointing to that year crop failure as the reason of famine. Purpose. The aim of the following article is to reveal practical techniques of alternative reality creation in the soviet society based on the example of the 1932–1933s famine’s mythologization in Ukraine. Materials and methods. Analyses and generalization of scientific archive sources and international documents, overview of soviet mass media related to the topic have been performed. Research results. The soviet myth creation technology applied to the famine happening in Ukraine of 1932–1933 as a result of crop failure shows a wide spectrum of alternative reality creation means (mythologization), which was exploited by the whole history of the soviet government: liquidation of documents and evidence, intimidation and physical extermination of witnesses, blockage of access to sources of reliable information, formation of alternative “truth” and its expansion in mass media. Results. The purpose of creation and expansion of the famine myth based on the belief about crop failure in Ukraine of the 19362–1933s was to form and infix “ideologically correct” interpretation of history in the mass consciousness. It was supposed to disguise reasons of the famine, which was artificially organized by the soviet government in Ukraine, aiming at liquidation of Ukrainian rural population, resisting collectivization, i.e. dissimulating of criminal offences and masking them under ecological myth.
7
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“Праўда часу” ў творах беларускiх пiсьменнiкаў 1930-х гадоў

63%
Мельнiкава А.
Białorutenistyka Białostocka
|
2015
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vol. 7
PL
Autor artykułu analizuje sposoby opisu rzeczywistości w latach 30-ych XX wieku oraz procesu kolektywizacji, które charakteryzują utwory białoruskich pisarzy omawianego okresu. Badacz pokazuje, że białoruska literatura odzwierciedlała zgubne rezultaty naruszeń i zaniedbań tradycyjnych wartości, i ukazywała „prawdę czasów”, dramatyzm życia w nowych warunkach, tragedię chłopów, a także proces narodzin moralnie nieskażonych „nowych ludzi”
EN
The author of the article analyzes the ways of description of the reality of the 1930s and the process of collectivization, which are reflected in works of Belarusian writers of the period. The researcher shows that Belarusian literature reflected the pernicious results of infringement and negligence of traditional moral values, and was able to depict ”the truth of the time”, the drama of the living in a new surrounding, the tragedy of peasants. Belarusian writers showed the process of forming the class of ”new people”, who are not sophisticated in moral relations, and moral degradation.
8
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Tworzenie polskich kołchozów narodowościowych w ramach kolektywizacji rolnictwa na Podolu w latach 20. i 30. XX w. Przyczynek do dziejów rolnictwa na radzieckiej Ukrainie

51%
Januszkiewicz B.
Zeszyty Wiejskie
|
2020
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vol. 26
109-126
EN
One of the most important part of Leninist policy in the 1920s and the early 1930s was collectivization of agriculture whose aim was the creation of so-called collective farms. Kolkhozes were created as a result of a forced takeover of land from farmers called “kulaki”. The establishment of collective farms in Ukraine faced the greatest resistance of the civilian population, especially the Polish population whose numerous clusters existed in the Podole region. Evidence of the authorities ruthlessness in implementing the collectivization plan was a decree from August 7 1932 about the death penalty and prison – “for stealing and wasting socialist property”. This document was called “law of five ears”. In order to break the resistance against enfranchisement of the population, the authorities intentionally evoked “great hunger” which caused the deaths of six million people.
PL
Jedną z najważniejszych części „leninowskiej polityki” w latach 20. i na początku lat 30. XX w. była kolektywizacja rolnictwa, przewidująca tworzenie tzw. kolektywnych gospodarstw. Kołchozy powstawały w wyniku przymusowego przejęcia ziemi od indywidualnych rolników nazywanych „kułakami”. Zakładanie kołchozów na Ukrainie napotykało na największy opór miejscowej ludności, szczególnie ludności polskiej, której liczne skupiska istniały m.in. w obwodzie kamieniecko-podolskim. Dowodem bezwzględności władz bolszewickich w realizowaniu planu kolektywizacji był dekret z 7 VIII 1932 r. o karze śmierci i więzienia „za wszelką kradzież lub roztrwonienie socjalistycznej własności”, nazwany przez ludność wiejską „prawem pięciu kłosów”. W celu przełamania czynnego i biernego oporu przeciwko uwłaszczeniu ludności wiejskiej władze celowo, w sposób wymuszony, wywołały „wielki głód”, który spowodował śmierć 5–6 mln ludzi.
9
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"Jak roste nový člověk": Miloš Jakeš jako regionální komunistický funkcionář (1945-1952)

45%
Bílý M.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
|
2023
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vol. 30
|
issue 1
15-67
EN
The article deals with the early phase of the political career of the leading communist functionary Miloš Jakeš (1922-2020), who later became a member of the new "normalization" leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Komunistická strana Československa, KSČ) after the suppression of the Prague Spring and served as its General Secretary from 1987 to 1989. This early era of his life is linked to his work in the Moravian region of Zlín (later renamed Gottwaldov). The author frames his study with Jakeš's entry into the KSČ in June 1945 and his departure for the Prague Party headquarters in autumn 1952. He first describes Jakeš's origins in the poor conditions of the South Bohemian village of České Chalupy and his war years at the Baťa factory in Zlín, where he completed his apprenticeship as an electrical engineer. Here, the author pays close attention to the possible influence of Bataism - a specific ethic and way of organizing work - on the formation of Jakeš's personality. He then describes Jakeš's rise and activities in the regional structures of the communist youth organisation, the Communist Party and the public administration, where he served, among other things, as a member of the Boards of the District and Regional Committees of the KSČ and as chairman of the United National Committee (Jednotný národní výbor, JNV) in Gottwaldov. Here, the author traces how he contributed to the collectivization of agriculture in the Gottwaldov region after 1948. The author not only attempts to answer questions related to Jakeš himself, such as what brought him to the communist movement, what positions he had in the changing political circumstances and whether he was always a conformist functionary, but he also tries to deepen our existing knowledge on how the new power elites were formed during the establishment and consolidation of the communist dictatorship. In many ways, he argues, Jakeš fit the profile of the new regional party cadres during high Stalinism and embodied the type of functionaries who based their success on adherence to the currently valid official party line, which they tried to put into practice by taking into account the specifics of a particular region. The fact that the head of an industrial urban centre of 50,000 inhabitants was a man of barely thirty years of age, of low social origin, without any significant qualifications or long political experience, illustrates the enormous social mobility in post-war and especially post-1948 (after the communist takeover) Czechoslovakia.
CS
Studie se zabývá dosud opomíjenou počáteční fází politické kariéry předního komunistického funkcionáře Miloše Jakeše (1922–2020), který se později po porážce pražského jara stal členem nového, normalizačního vedení Komunistické strany Československa a v letech 1987 až 1989 stanul v jejím čele jako generální tajemník. Tato etapa je spjata s jeho působením v regionu moravského města Zlín (později přejmenovaného na Gottwaldov) a je ohraničena Jakešovým vstupem do KSČ po druhé světové válce v červnu 1945 a jeho odchodem do pražského ústředí na podzim 1952. Autor nejprve přibližuje Jakešův původ v chudých poměrech jihočeské vesnice České Chalupy a jeho léta učednická v Baťových závodech ve Zlíně, kde se za války vyučil elektrokonstruktérem. Všímá si přitom možných vlivů „batismu“ jako specifické etiky a způsobu organizace práce na utváření Jakešovy osobnosti. Studie líčí Jakešův vzestup a aktivity v regionálních strukturách Svazu české mládeže, komunistické strany a veřejné správy, kde vykonával mimo jiné funkce člena předsednictev okresního výboru i krajského výboru KSČ a předsedy Jednotného národního výboru v Gottwaldově (fakticky primátora). Zvláštní pozornost přitom věnuje jeho podílu na kolektivizaci zemědělství na Gottwaldovsku po roce 1948. Autor se nesnaží odpovědět jen na otázky spojené se samotným Jakešem, například co jej přivedlo ke komunistickému hnutí, jaké postoje zastával v měnících se politických poměrech a zda byl vždy konformním funkcionářem, ale na Jakešově regionální dráze se pokouší prohloubit dosavadní poznání procesu utváření nových mocenských elit během nastolování a upevňování komunistické diktatury. Jakeš podle něj v mnoha směrech zapadal do profilu nových stranických regionálních kádrů v období vrcholného stalinismu a zosobňoval typ funkcionářů, kteří svůj úspěch založili na dodržování aktuálně platné oficiální linie strany, při jejímž uvádění do praxe se snažili zohledňovat specifika konkrétního regionu. Skutečnost, že v čele padesátitisícového průmyslového městského centra formálně stanul sotva třicetiletý muž nízkého sociálního původu, bez výraznější kvalifikace a delších politických zkušeností, pak ilustruje enormní sociální mobilitu v poválečném, a především poúnorovém Československu.
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