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EN
Objectives. With the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Ukrainian military personnel are experiencing combat stress. Manifestations of acute stress reactions and post-traumatic stress symptoms require psychological assistance and recovery of the soldiers’ personal resources. This study aims to develop a psychological recovery program “Invincibility Program” for Ukrainian military personnel after performing combat missions to relieve the effects of chronic combat stress and to evaluate its effectiveness. Sample and settings. 1090 Ukrainian military personnel took part in the study, which had combat experience after February 24, 2022. Hypothesis. The psychological recovery program will help to reduce the effects of combat stress on military personnel. Statistical analyses. The statistical analysis of the study results was carried out using the program SPSS 20.0. Results. The activities of the program led to an improvement in the mental state and positively significant changes in the well-being of the participants, the mobilization of psychological resources, and an increase in the resistance of soldiers to combat stress. A high level of subjective usefulness of the program was revealed. Limitations. This study was limited by not having an active comparison condition and by not having a longitudinal follow-up.
EN
According to the author, the petition falls within the competence of the Sejm and fulfils formal requirements. The author positively evaluates the proposed changes in the law, aimed at systemically depriving officers, soldiers, collaborators and employees of the security apparatus of the Polish Peoples’ Republic (PRL) of their privileges. She considers them as meeting the postulate of axiological consistency of the Polish legal order. At the same time she draws attention to possible problems with the constitutionality of the proposed provisions, especially in the context of the principle of care for the veterans of the fight for independence and the principles of providing social security.
EN
Objectives. At the beginning of the War in East-ern Ukraine, military personnel of the Armed Forces, National Guard of Ukraine (NGU), and soldiers of volunteer battalions, who had no combat experience for the first time faced the death of their comrades. This study aims to de-termine the effects of posttraumatic stress and combat losses on the mental health of combat-ants and to develop the typology of their resil-ience to extreme events.Sample and settings.N = 117 NGU male offic-ers (76% of contract military members and 24% of officers) participated in the study. These com-batants were withdrawn from the combat zone in June 2014 due to combat losses and the death of the unit commander.Hypothesis. After participating in hostilities, military personnel developed different types of personality resilience to the effects of traumatic stress.Statistical analyses. The participants’ typification of resilience and adaptation to extreme events was determined by hierarchical cluster analysis. The differences between groups in mean values were determined using Student’s t-test.Results. Four types of personality resilience to combat stressors were identified: “Those who predicted danger” (68.38%), “Those who were open to danger” (21.37%), “Those who identified themself with the role of the vic-tim” (6.83%), and “Those who hid their fear” (3.42%). The results showed that self-identifi-cation of a personality with symptoms of acute stress disorder affects the features of the imple-mentation of the anxiety buffer role. Limitations. The conclusions on the anxiety buffer role for the formation of PTSD require clarification and further studies.
CS
Cíle. Na začátku války na východní Ukrajině vojáci ukrajinské armády (NGU – Národní gar-da Ukrajiny) a vojáci dobrovolnických praporů, kteří neměli bojové zkušenosti, se poprvé setka-li se smrtí svých spolubojovníků. Cílem tohoto výzkumu bylo zjistit dopady posttraumatického stresu a ztrát v boji na mentální zdraví vojáků a vytvořit typologii jejich resilience vůči extrém-ním událostem.Soubor. Výzkumu se zúčastnilo 117 mužů – dů-stojníků NGU (76 % smluvních vojáků a 24 % důstojníků z povolání). Tito vojáci byli staže-ni z bojové zóny v červnu 2014 kvůli ztrátám v boji a smrti velitele jednotky.Hypotéza. Po účasti v bojích si vojáci vyvinuli různé typy osobní resilience vůči dopadům trau-matického stresu.Statistická analýza. Typologizace resilience účastníků výzkumu a adaptace na extrémní události byla určena hierarchickou trsovou ana-lýzou. Získaná data byla popsána základními popisnými statistikami. Rozdíly mezi skupina-mi ve středních hodnotách byly zjištěny Studen-tovým t-testem.Výsledky. Byly vyčleněny čtyři typy resilience osobnosti vůči bojovým stresorům: „Ti, kdo predikovali nebezpečí“ (68,38 %), „Ti, kdo byli otevřeni nebezpečí“ (21,37 %), „Ti, kdo se identifikovali s rolí oběti“ (6,83 %), a „Ti, kdo skryli svůj strach“ (3,42 %). Výsledky ukázaly, že sebeidentifikace osoby se symptomy akutní stresové poruchy ovlivňuje prvky realizace ná-razníkové role úzkosti.Omezení studie. Závěry o nárazníkové roli úz-kosti pro utváření PTSD vyžadují objasnění a další výzkumy.
EN
This article attempts to provide an answer as to why the Jewish combatants founded the Union of Jews Participants of Combat for Polish Independence (Związek Żydów Uczestników Walk o Niepodległość Polski), which operated in the period of 1929–1939. It was the only combatant organization in the Second Polish Republic that represented a national minority. The focus of this article is on the origin of the Union, its aims, goals and activities, as well as its developed organizational structure. Taken into consideration were also the Union’s fundamental activities such as supporting self-help organizations, participating in annual events concerned with Polish history, spreading the knowledge of Jewish combatants’ involvement in the fight for Poland’s independence as well as the Union’s protest against anti-Semitism in the 1930s and the Union’s activities abroad. The Union was needed, because it allowed the Jewish combatants to take an active role in building up the Polish state, which had been erased from the maps for 123 years, influence its activities and at the same time supporting it and helping protect the interests of the whole Jewish community, in Poland and abroad. Members of the Union, the Jewish combatants who fought for Poland’s independence, felt themselves entitled to, as well as morally obliged, protect their interests as well as those of the community they represented. They vied for respect and tolerance for their community and for the equal treatment of all Polish citizens, including Jews.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, z jakiego powodu żydowscy kombatanci skupiali się w Związku Żydów Uczestników Walk o Niepodległość Polski, który prowadził działalność w latach 1929–1939. Była to jedyna w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej organizacja kombatancka reprezentująca mniejszość narodową. W rozważaniach zwrócono uwagę na genezę tego związku, jego cele i zadania oraz rozbudowaną strukturę organizacyjną. Uwzględniono również jego zasadnicze pola aktywności, takie jak działalność samopomocowa, uczestnictwo w uroczystościach rocznicowych związanych z historią Polski, popularyzowanie wiedzy o udziale Żydów w walkach o niepodległość Polski. Zwrócono uwagę na występowanie Związku przeciw przejawom antysemityzmu w Polsce w drugiej połowie lat trzydziestych XX w. oraz na jego aktywność na arenie międzynarodowej. Związek był potrzebny żydowskim kombatantom, aby brać aktywny udział w budowie państwa polskiego, po 123 latach niewoli, wpływać na jego funkcjonowanie, a zarazem wspomagać się wzajemnie i bronić interesów całej społeczności żydowskiej zarówno w Polsce, jak i na arenie międzynarodowej. Skupieni w nim żydowscy kombatanci, którzy uczestniczyli w walkach o niepodległość Polski, uważali, że mają szczególne prawo, a zarazem moralny obowiązek, aby występować w interesie swojego środowiska, jak również w interesie całej społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce, domagając się szacunku, traktowania na równi z innymi obywatelami państwa oraz tolerancji.
UK
Статтю присвячено розгляду актуальних проблем реалізації та гарантування принципу заступництва міжнародного гуманітарного права. Заступництво розглядаємо як захист не від невідворотного в умовах війни насилля як такого, а від свавілля, що спричинено однією протиборчою стороною щодо осіб, що належать до іншої протиборчої сторони, які під час війни опинилися під владою першої. Один з найважливіших принципів міжнародного гуманітарного права встановлює, що всі особи, які потрапляють у владу ворога, мають право на гуманне поводження незалежно від їхнього статусу та раніше виконуваної функції чи діяльності. Міжнародне гуманітарне право прямо уповноважує сторони конфлікту вжити таких заходів контролю або заходів безпеки щодо осіб, які є під їхньою владою, що може бути необхідним через війну. Право на заступництво є абсолютним і поширюється не лише на осіб, позбавлених волі, але й, ширше, на мешканців території під контролем ворога. На прикладі збройної агресії Російської Федерації щодо України ми можемо спостерігати часткове або повне ігнорування принципу заступництва. За наявності проблем реалізації та гарантування принципів міжнародного гуманітарного права держави вирішують завдання щодо їх трактування, насамперед, міжнародними судовими інстанціями (це спеціальні міжнародні кримінальні трибунали, організовані у зв’язку з конкретними конфліктами, Міжнародний кримінальний суд і, звичайно, Міжнародний суд ООН) і трибуналами, повноцінним винесенням ухвал у справах, пов’язаних з порушеннями міжнародних нормативно-правових актів.
EN
The article is devoted to the issue of topical issues of implementation and guarantee of the principle of protection of international humanitarian law. Advocacy is seen as protection not from the inevitable violence of war as such, but from arbitrariness caused by one warring party against persons belonging to the other warring party who came under the rule of the former during the war. One of the most important principles of international humanitarian law is that all persons who fall into the power of the enemy have the right to be treated humanely, regardless of their status and previous function or activity. International humanitarian law explicitly authorizes the parties to a conflict to take such control or security measures against persons under their control as may be necessary due to war. The right to protection is absolute and applies not only to persons deprived of their liberty, but also, more broadly, to the inhabitants of the territory under the control of the enemy. For example, the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, we can observe partial or complete disregard for the principle of patronage. If there are problems with the implementation and guarantee of the principles of international humanitarian law, states decide on their interpretation, primarily by international courts (these are special international criminal tribunals organized in connection with specific conflicts, the International Criminal Court and, of course, the International Court of Justice). UN) and tribunals, full-fledged decision-making on cases related to violations of international regulations.
EN
The article reveals the peculiarities of the Process of Transition of the UPR Army soldiers interned in Poland, to civil status and their departure to Czechoslovakia and France during the 1920s. Because of the numerical reduction of internment camps, Ukrainian combatants faced the need to adapt to living conditions in their civil status and further socialise. Most of the UPR Army junior officers were well aware of the need to continue their studies, and in particular to obtain higher education in European universities, which enabled them to have a certain status in their host countries. In an effort to prepare to enter the higher schools of European countries, this category of the former military united into camp student communities. During 1922–1923, many of their members managed to enter Polish universities or go to study in Czechoslovakia, which opened up prospects for acquiring new professions and thus finding their place in life, getting well-paid jobs. Some Ukrainian public and charitable organisations functioning in Poland and Czechoslovakia rendered them significant assistance. The process of the camps’ termination in Kalisz and Szczypiorno was quite long, which afforded Ukrainian veterans an opportunity to develop adaptation mechanisms and adapt to independent life as political emigrants in Poland. In the new environment, the former internees did not stop communicating among themselves, forming public and combatant organisations. At the same time, a significant part of the former internees did not see further prospects while staying in Poland and preferred to relocate themselves in other European countries. Meeting their wishes, the Ukrainian Central Committee in Poland took care of organising their departure to France, which was used by a large part of the former internees.
PL
Disappointment and Animosities among Polish Combatants in the 1930s The Polish combatant environment was extremely divided in the 1930s, even among members of the same organisations. This is confirmed by a 1935 report by the Ministry of the Interior. The strongest accusations and assaults were directed against Polish and Jewish legionnaires by the national press - including in the papers Polska Narodowa, Falanga and books like Kazimierz Dołega’s Żydzi w czasie walk o niepodległość Polski. War veterans were supposed to be idols and models for society, particularly youths. The divided combatants were hardly able to live up to those ideals.
8
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Wokół definicji terroryzmu C.A.J. Coady’ego

58%
PL
W swoim artykule przywołuję wpływową definicję terroryzmu C.A.J. Coady’ego i omawiam jej poszczególne elementy. W toku wywodu podaję różne definicje terroryzmu i staram się wykazać, że spora ich część odbiega od potocznego rozumienia pojęcia terroryzmu, a niektóre prowadzą do absurdalnych konsekwencji. Podkreślam, że brak odpowiednich ustaleń rozmywa różnice pomiędzy licznymi przejawami politycznej przemocy.
EN
In my article I focus on C. A. J. Coady’s influential definition of terrorism and discuss its most important elements. I compare various definitions of terrorism and show that many of them depart from the ordinary understanding of the term and some lead to ridiculous consequences. I conclude that the lack of adequate distinctions blurs the differences between various types of political violence.
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