Search results - CEJSH

1

Tři stezky (ke) komunismu

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Škabraha M.

Dějiny - Teorie - Kritika (History - Theory - Criticism)

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2010

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vol. 7

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issue 1

7-29

EN

The aim of this study is to offer a more comprehensive view of communism than is usual in the Czech public arena these days, by means of an exposition of the concept of criticism, using the example of communism itself conceived as radicalized modernity. Three forms of critique are distinguished: 1) Conversion, which refers to the values in the offi cial canon, attempting to interpret them in favour of the unprivileged; communism in this sense thinks through the promises of capitalism. 2) Subversion in the spirit of the „hermeneutics of suspicion“, which seeks the „real“ hidden motive (e.g. instinct, the will to power, class struggle) behind predominant ideas, realizing revolutionary intervention on this basis. 3) Controversy in the spirit of „refl exive modernization“, referring to the unintended consequences of modernity and politicizing private activity. Communism is presented as an example of these forms of criticism, and at the same time the latter are used to interpret its „meaning of history“.

CS

Cílem této studie je nabídnout komplexnější pohled na komunismus, než je v české veřejném prostoru obvyklé, a to skrze výklad pojmu kritika na příkladu komunismu, který se sám považoval za radikální formu modernity. Rozlišeny budou tři formy kritiky: 1) kritika konverzní, která se hlásí k hodnotám oficiálního kánonu a pokouší se je interpretovat příznivě pro vykořisťované; komunismus v tomto smyslu promlouvá skrze přísliby kapitalismu; 2) subverze v duchu „hermeneutiky podezření“, která za převládajícími myšlenkami hledá „skutečné” skryté motivace (např. instinkt, vůli k moci, třídní boj) a na tomto základě uskutečňující revoluční zásah; 3) kontroverze v duchu „reflexivní modernizace”, která se odkazuje na nezamýšlené důsledky modernity a politizace soukromého jednání. Komunismus je ukázán jako příklad těchto typů kritiky, které jsou zároveň použity k výkladu „smyslu dějin”.

2

Zakopaný pes komunistického režimu : Pavel Kohout a možnosti memoárománového žánru

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Hanuš J.

Dějiny - Teorie - Kritika (History - Theory - Criticism)

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2007

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vol. 4

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issue 1

42-59

EN

Jiří Hanuš deals with „memoir-novels“ of a renowned Czech writer Pavel Kohout Z deníku kontrarevolucionáře and Kde je zakopán pes. The author attempted at depicting Kohout’s way of expression, his treatment of history and his unique contribution to the Czech literature and historiography. He analysed Kohout as a writer who describes first of all the thinking of socialist intellectuals who were actively involved in building the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia and who later ended up as „children devoured by their own revolution“. Kohout’s novels, no matter how dramatically they are built and no matter how much they witness their author’s strong ego, offer quite a few interesting insights that can be employed by contemporary historians when analysing the history of socialist utopias and socialist everyday life, but also the paradoxes of Communist power.

CS

Jiří Hanuš se zabývá „memoárromány“ proslulého českého spisovatele Pavla Kohouta Z deníku kontrarevolucionáře a Kde je zakopán pes. Autor se pokouší představit Kohoutův způsob vyjadřování, jeho zacházení s historií a výjimečný přínos české literatuře a historiografii. Analyzuje Kohouta jako spisovatele, jenž popisuje především myšlení socialistických intelektuálů, kteří se aktivně podíleli na budování komunistického režimu v Československu a kteří později skončili jako „děti pohlcené vlastní revolucí“. Kohoutovy romány, bez ohledu na to, jak dramaticky jsou vystavěny a jak dokládají autorovo silné ego, nabízejí mnoho zajímavých náhledů, které mohou využít historici soudobých dějin při analýzách dějin socialistických utopií a každodennosti za socialismu, ale také paradoxů komunistického režimu.

3

Kampania otwierania świętych relikwii jako element antycerkiewnej polityki władz komunistycznych

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Pawełczyk-Dura K.

Studia Religiologica

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2012

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vol. 45

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issue 3

227–235

EN

The elimination of religion was a fundamental ideological goal of the communist state. According to Marxist theory, religion was a product of material conditions. Working from this premise, militant atheism initially considered that religion would disappear on its own through the coming of the new society system. After the revolution the Bolsheviks started a massive persecution. When it became clear that religion was not dying out on its own, the USSR began general antireligious campaigns. One of the lesser known campaigns was confiscation of saints’ relics, carefully preserved for the purposes of veneration or as a touchable or tangible memorial.

4

Świątynia nowej wiary. Filmowe obrazy budowy Pałacu Kultury 1952-1955

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Marek H.

Kwartalnik Filmowy

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2015

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issue 92 Kino polskie i polityka

87-99

PL

Artykuł Marka Hendrykowskiego analizujący zbiór materiałów dokumentalnych z lat 1952-1955 jest pierwszym tego rodzaju studium poświęconym filmowym obrazom budowy warszawskiego Pałacu Kultury i Nauki w kontekście ideologii stalinizmu. Autor konkluduje: „Z prowokacyjnego daru Pałac Kultury i Nauki stał się reliktem czasów stalinowskich – coraz bardziej odległym przypomnieniem kilkudziesięciu lat zniewolenia Polski przez sowiecki i rodzimy komunizm. Dzisiaj obrazy filmowe nakręcone w trakcie wznoszenia tej budowli stanowią niezastąpione świadectwo pychy przedwcześnie zapowiadającego swój triumf, narzuconego siłą ustroju. Monstrualny w swym ogromie Pałac stał się jeszcze jednym zabytkiem dziejów Warszawy, wpisanym w pejzaż miasta i służącym jego mieszkańcom. Uwodzicielskie zło, z jakim na zawsze będzie kojarzony, przestało wywierać swój złowieszczy wpływ”.

EN

In his article Marek Hendrykowski analyses archive materials from the period of 1952-1955 dealing with the images of building of the Warsaw Palace of Culture and Science in the context of Stalinism. The author concludes that from a controversial gift, the Palace of Culture became a relict of bygone Stalinist era, a reminder of increasingly distant decades of enslavement by the Soviet and Polish communists. Today, films filmed during erection of the building are an indispensable witness to the conceit of the system imposed by force that led to the premature announcement of its triumph. The Palace, monstrous in its vastness, is yet another monument of the history of Warsaw, a part of its landscape and is useful to its inhabitants. The seductive evil with which it will forever be associated ceased to exert its sinister influence.

5

Realizm z fałszywej analogii historycznej wywiedziony Przypadek Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego

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Kimla P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

177-187

EN

The article focuses on Ksawery Pruszyński’s political way of thinking which squares with political realism in many points. He aimed at developing Poles’ awareness of the fact that Stalin would be the winner of the war in Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore the future status of Poland depended on Stalin’s will. Nethertheless Pruszyński seems to make a serious mistake taking Soviet Russia as an atheistic, Marxist version of Tsarist Russia. Yet as things stand the Soviet Union was a phenomenon of a new kind. Ideocracy is presumably the best qualification of this new regime.

6

THE EDUCATIONAL DIMENSION OF THE ATTITUDES OF SOLDIERS OF THE ANTI-COMMUNIST UNDERGROUND FORCES IN SELECTED BIOGRAPHIES

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SABAT K.

Scientific Bulletin of Chełm - Section of Pedagogy

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2018

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issue 2

11-21

EN

The activities of soldiers of the independence underground army required the adoption of an appropriate and decisive attitude, which was motivated by professed values, accepted ideals and purposefulness of the decisions made. Presentation of the human dimension of life combined with overcoming their own weaknesses becomes an educational testimony for a man seeking a proper understanding of truth and freedom in the postmodern era.

7

Początki resortu sprawiedliwości PKWN. W 70 rocznicę

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Lityński A., Ćwikowska M.

Roczniki Administracji i Prawa

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2014

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vol. 14/1

85-99

PL

W 1944 roku Armia Czerwona Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich wkroczyła na ziemie polskie. Wówczas (lipiec 1944) w Moskwie, na Kremlu, pod dyktando Stalina [na rozkaz Stalina] grupa „polskich” komunistów powołała Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego (PKWN). PKWN faktycznie uzurpował sobie rolę rządu polskiego. Legalny rząd polski znajdował się przez całą wojnę na uchodźstwie [na obczyźnie] w Londynie. PKWN między innymi organizował sądy. Komunistom w Polsce po II wojnie światowej zależało, by dokonane przez nich zmiany nie nosiły zewnętrznych cech rewolucji. Dla kamuflażu zdobycie przez nich władzy miało mieć pozory legalizmu. Dlatego też formalnie zachowali większość aktów prawnych z okresu przedwojennego. Cechą charakterystyczną zmian w prawie w najwcześniejszym okresie Polski Ludowej było to, że ukierunkowane one były na represjonowanie opozycji politycznej rzeczywistej lub wyimaginowanej, ewentualnie ukierunkowane były na dokonanie odwetu na żołnierzach podziemnej Armii Krajowej, na działaczach Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego z II wojny światowej, także na funkcjonariuszach państwowych okresu przedwojennego. Podstawowe akty prawa w tym zakresie wydawane były od 1944.

EN

In 1944, Red Army of the Soviet Union entered the Polish territory. At that time (July 1944) in Moscow, on Stalin’s order, a group of “Polish” communists established Polish Committee of National Liberation or PKWN. PKWN pretended to have a role of the Polish government. Legal Polish government was in exile in London during the whole Second World War. PKWN established, among others, the courts. After the Second World War it was important for the „Polish” Communists that the changes which they had introduced were not perceived as revolutionary. For camouflage the process of their entering into power was supposed to appear legal. That was they formally retained most of the pre-war legal acts. It was characteristic of the changes made in the law in the early years of the People’s Republic that their purpose was to persecute the political opposition, be it real or imaginary, and to take revenge on the soldiers of the Polish Home Army - a military resistance organisation, on the activists of the Second World War Polish Underground Sate and also on the state officials of pre-war Poland. The basics acts which substantively shaped the law in this respect were issued from 1944.

8

Bolączki mieszkańców województwa bialskopodlaskiego w początkowym okresie jego istnienia (1975-1976) w świetle listów i skarg kierowanych do Komitetu Wojewódzkiego PZPR w Białej Podlaskiej

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Orłowski P.

Radzyński Rocznik Humanistyczny

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2020

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vol. 18

83-92

EN

Everyday obstacles approached by the inhabitants of the Biała Podlaska Voivodeship in the first years after its establishment (1975-1976) reflected in letters and complaints addressed to the PZPR’s Voivodeship Committee in Biała Podlaska

9

Bolszewizm, Komunizm, Stalinizm w prasie Polski podziemnej (1939–1945)

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Sacewicz K.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2010

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vol. 1

47-62

EN

Communism and bolshevism are fundamental ideas characteristic of the Soviet Union which were discussed in underground newspapers. This subject gave the possibilities of becoming familiar with essence of the Soviet Union’s policy. This problem when the Red Army was getting closer to the border of the Republic of Poland became a current issue. It allowed to recognise the reality of the Soviet Union, reality which Polish communists tried to inculcate to the Polish society. This subject was extensively introduced and analysed by the underground newspapers, simultaneously showing the attitude of Polish underground organisations to Soviets and their policy.

10

The Status of Women in the Soviet Union

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Darbaidze E., Niparishvili T.

Journal of Geography, Politics and Society

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2023

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vol. 13

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issue 1

1-10

EN

For centuries, many women have been at the forefront of the struggle for emancipation and political changes. Efforts at integrating the idea of emancipation into society was an important part of the Bolshevik ideology; thus, the October Revolution of 1917 brought women new hope and new expectations. The Soviet Union was the first country in the world to successfully open the door to new economic and educational opportunities for women. In 1917, the Bolshevik legislative initiatives provided them with full political and civil rights while new legislation made women legally equal to men. The constitution adopted in July 1918 secured the political and civil equality of women and men. However, the gender policy developed and implemented by Lenin significantly changed after his death. Until the second half of the 1930s, the Soviet Union remained the world leader in terms of providing women with equal rights. However, after the new leader of the Soviet Union, Stalin, came to power, the government policy on women and equality substantially transformed. During Stalin’s rule, the concept of “a new type of woman” was created. The early Bolshevik policy, which started with a radical liberal vision of individual freedom and women’s rights, devolved into an abyss of cynicism that burdened women with a disproportionate responsibility for unpaid work in the household. The purpose of this work is to study the role of women during the early Soviet period and to examine legal and political changes in women’s status. The study aims at explaining what the main goal of the Soviet gender policy was in fact, whether it actually changed the status of women and what crucial changes it ultimately brought to them. Using the method of content analysis, the content of official documents, press and scientific literature was analyzed. At the same time, attempts were made to identify and analyze the positive and negative results of the Soviet policy by applying the method of critical research.

11

Program, Strategy and Tactics of Communist Movement in Contemporary Epoche

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Wiktor Z.

Reality of Politics

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2020

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issue 11

83-95

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse Communist Party of Poland as the party of Polish proletariat, working class that represents also the interests of other Polish working peoples. Emphasis is placed The strategy of CPP is like other communist parties, socialist revolution, socialism and in the further time communism. The CPP is based in its struggle on the theory of Marxism-Leninism and the progressive tradition of the building of socialism in former People’s Republic Poland.

12

Przemoc i władza – pytanie o bezpieczeństwo w warunkach komunikacyjnej opresji. Mitologia powtórzonego komunizmu

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Kurkiewicz A.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2018

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issue 12

309-320

EN

The reality of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, which on the one hand has eradicated the notion of violence from the ideational sphere, the sphere of constructing social-political entities, on the other hand, by eradicating violence as a tool of building new social orders, has kept and appropriated its modus, or the ways of organizing of the world, its time and space, associated with the conditions of violence. In the modern and postmodern world, violence turns out to be, not seldom, the basis of sanctioning and reinforcing the mechanisms of power. Symbolic violence – as Bourdieu wanted – the tool of influence by the dominant classes, or the violence resulting from communicative oppression – legitimization of common agreement, consensus, which, transformed into an idea – the basis of the construction of the modern world, are becoming a form of oppression, a form of imposing the only one, worked out as (seemingly) common, vision of this what is and can be a question of a conflict. The sources of such understood visions should be looked for, according to Jean-Luck Nancy, in a particular desire of man, desire, which, when started to be embodied, acquired total forms, and, finally, totalitarian ones: in the desire of transformation of the society into a “masterpiece”. The thing, which was supposed to be cemented by the realized desire (society as a masterpiece), was community, communion [communio], and, finally (as the embodiment of the postulated unity in its total form) communism.

13

[Esej] Niemota ubezwłasnowolnionych

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Kula M.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2002

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issue 1

55-72

14

Seliger Johannes Paul II. Sohn Polens und Vater des Vereinigten Europas

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Biel R.

The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II

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2011

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vol. 1

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issue 1

PL

Pope John Pauls II is the most famous person in Polish history. He has been acclaimed as one of the most infl uential leaders of the 20th century. It is widely accepted that he was important in ending communism in Poland and eventually all of Europe. He also helped Poland to enter European Union. After his death the Church in Poland feels like an orphan, but sees chances in the heritage, which John Paul II left for the Church in his own Homeland.

15

Communism on Display. Representations of the Past in Polish Historical Museums

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Ziębińska-Witek A.

Historyka Studia Metodologiczne

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2021

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vol. 51

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issue Spec. iss.

389-403

EN

The article analyzes museum representations of communism in Poland from the perspective of exhibition strategies influencing the public understanding of the past. Over the past forty years, Western museums have increasingly moved away from the affirmative model of presenting the past, dominating since the nineteenth century, towards critical paradigms and even those pro-moting social activism. The analysis of Polish exhibitions devoted to recent history carried out from this perspective allows us to reveal the functions fulfilled by museum institutions in the Polish social and political reality.

16

Overview: Wojciech Materski. 2017. Od cara do “cara”. Studium rosyjskiej polityki historycznej [From the Tsar to the “Tsar”. A Study of the Russian Politics of Memory].

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Wasilewski W.

Institute of National Remembrance Review

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2020

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vol. 2

335-359

EN

Overview: Wojciech Materski. 2017. Od cara do “cara”. Studium rosyjskiej polityki historycznej [From the Tsar to the “Tsar”. A Study of the Russian Politics of History]. Warsaw: Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences. 371 pp. ISBN 9788364091889.

17

Wpływ ustawodawstwa stanu wojennego na prawo cywilne w Polsce

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Machnikowska A.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2017

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vol. 39

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issue 3

23-47

EN

The author seeks to determine the impact of the legislation that emerged in connection with the introduction of martial law in Poland in 1981 on civil law. She starts by referring to axiology as well as the basic principles of civil law in the socialist state. This provides abackground for her discussion of the changes introduced after 13 December 1981. In her conclusion the author notes that even today there are still unresolved problems concerning damages and compensation for losses suffered during the martial law period by individuals who were interned as well as those who suffered injuries or were forced to emigrate. Some judges are not familiar with the legislation in force at the time and with the consequences of its application, as can be seen in rulings and statements of reasons dismissing some of the claims.

18

Cztery poziomy krytyki europejskiego uniwersalizmu

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Nowicki F.

Nowa Krytyka

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2016

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issue 37

41-60

EN

The article presents the critique of European universalism as a form of rule and domination. Capitalist democracy is opposed to the idea of democracy axiological, which is open to regional forms of its institutional implementation.

19

Historie ve znovuzrozené volné soutěži : česká a slovenská postkomunistická transformace a její dominantní historické příběhy

80%

Sniegoň T.

Dějiny - Teorie - Kritika (History - Theory - Criticism)

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2009

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vol. 6

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issue 2

201-231

EN

Two of the four historical narratives presented here, the Czech nationalliberal narrative and the Slovak national-European narrative, imbue Czech and Slovak history with national and democratic meaning, by using history to legitimize future aims in these areas. The two remaining historical narratives, the Communist and the Slovak national-Catholic, with their way of using history, take an expressly confrontational stance on values called ‘politically liberal’, though in their renewed versions from the 1990s they no longer call outright for totalitarian power. All four narratives, however, work with their own nations and histories as monolithic categories, and consequently have problems answering questions that do not fi t into their conceptions of the search for their own meanings of Czech or Slovak history. In their endeavours to defi ne new post-Communist values, the main actors have failed to abandon or even to cast doubt on the ethnically determined national framework.

CS

Dva ze čtyř historických narativů, český národně-liberální a slovenský národně-evropský, sytily českou a slovenskou historii národním a demokratickým smyslem, využívajíce historii k legitimizaci budoucích cílů v těchto oblastech. Dva zbývající historické narativy, komunistický a slovenský národně-katolický, zaujímaly se svým způsobem využívání historie vysloveně konfrontační postoj vůči „politicky liberálním” hodnotám, třebaže se ve své obnovené verzi z devadesátých let dvacátého století již neodvolávaly otevřeně k totalitní moci. Všechny čtyři narativy nicméně pracují s vlastními národy a dějinami jako s monolitickými kategoriemi, a následně nezvládají odpovídat na otázky, které nezapadají do jejich konceptu významů české a slovenské historie. Ve snaze definovat nové postkomunistické hodnoty mnozí protagonisté nezvládli opustit, nebo alespoň zproblematizovat etnicky podmíněnou představu národa.

20

Pluralita paměti a komunistická minulost: Česká veřejnost a její reflexe roku 1989 a polistopadového vývoje

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Kunštát D.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2010

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vol. 8

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issue 1

29-39

EN

The following text presents the results of sociological survey, conducted by Center for Public Opinion Research, Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, in september 2009. This extensive field survey mapped attitudes and public opinion on selected topics and issues that touch the twentieth anniversary of the November revolution in 1989.

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