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1
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Actions against the Catholic Church in Polish People’s Republic till 1953

100%
Dziurok A.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
41-52
EN
In the years 1944–1948, the authorities of communist Poland, for tactical reasons abstained from direct attacks on the Catholic Church. After the establishment of the authorities’ structures and once the political opposition and armed forces underground were defeated, systematic restriction on the influence of the Church begun. Back then, the Catholic Church was the only independent social institution in the country. What was attacked then was, among others, religious education in schools (religious education, crosses and catechists were removed from schools, Catholic education was limited), catholic organisations, charitable and care activities of the Church (at the beginning of 1950, the state took over “Caritas” and kindergartens, children’s homes, hospitals were taken from the Church) as well as publishing activities (Catholic press releases were being restricted). The repressions were hindered by the signature of the Church-State Agreement in April 1950. When in 1952, the activities aimed at the removal of religious education from schools were intensified, several dozens of theological seminaries were dissolved and some of the boarding-schools run by the Church were taken over, then Primate Stefan Wyszyński defined the relations between the Church and the State as a “state of emergency”.
2
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Enslavement of the Church in Poland in 1953

89%
Marek Ł.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
PL
The accord entered into by and between representatives of state and Church authorities on April 14th 1950 did not protect the Catholic Church from further repression. On February 9th 1953, the State Council decreed with regard to the filling of ecclesiastical posts in the Church. Through such normative, the state authorities awarded themselves the right to interfere with the human resources aspect of religious creed. A categorical objection (Non possumus!) to this policy determined the imprisonment of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The primate’s detention offered proper political conditions to engage in this and other campaigns targeting the authority, independence, and identity of the Catholic Church. The clergy’s influence on public life was restrained, and the Church was deprived of independence. It might well be assumed that were it not for events of October 1956, the Church in Poland would have been permanently subjugated to the State.
3
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Actions against the Catholic Church in Polish People’s Republic till 1953

89%
Dziurok A.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
PL
In the years 1944–1948, the authorities of communist Poland, for tactical reasons abstained from direct attacks on the Catholic Church. After the establishment of the authorities’ structures and once the political opposition and armed forces underground were defeated, systematic restriction on the influence of the Church begun. Back then, the Catholic Church was the only independent social institution in the country. What was attacked then was, among others, religious education in schools (religious education, crosses and catechists were removed from schools, Catholic education was limited), catholic organisations, charitable and care activities of the Church (at the beginning of 1950, the state took over “Caritas” and kindergartens, children’s homes, hospitals were taken from the Church) as well as publishing activities (Catholic press releases were being restricted). The repressions were hindered by the signature of the Church-State Agreement in April 1950. When in 1952, the activities aimed at the removal of religious education from schools were intensified, several dozens of theological seminaries were dissolved and some of the boarding-schools run by the Church were taken over, then Primate Stefan Wyszyński defined the relations between the Church and the State as a “state of emergency”.
4
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Content available

Enslavement of the Church in Poland in 1953

88%
Marek Ł.
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
|
2019
|
vol. 9
|
issue 2
53-68
EN
The accord entered into by and between representatives of state and Church authorities on April 14th 1950 did not protect the Catholic Church from further repression. On February 9th 1953, the State Council decreed with regard to the filling of ecclesiastical posts in the Church. Through such normative, the state authorities awarded themselves the right to interfere with the human resources aspect of religious creed. A categorical objection (Non possumus!) to this policy determined the imprisonment of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. The primate’s detention offered proper political conditions to engage in this and other campaigns targeting the authority, independence, and identity of the Catholic Church. The clergy’s influence on public life was restrained, and the Church was deprived of independence. It might well be assumed that were it not for events of October 1956, the Church in Poland would have been permanently subjugated to the State.
5
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NSZZ “Solidarity’s” notions for the state’s role in social life. Their social and political roots and status in 3rd Republic of Poland

38%
Krawiec-Złotkowska K.
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
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2019
|
vol. 8
207-226
PL
W artykule zostały przedstawione geneza i ideologiczne podstawy Niezależnego Samorządnego Związku Zawodowego „Solidarność” i jego znaczenie w życiu społecznym w czasach PRL. Genezę organizacji wywodzi się od sekwencji strajków (Czerwiec ’56 w Poznaniu, Polski Marzec ’68, Czerwiec ’76, Lipiec ’80 w Lublinie i Świdnicy oraz Sierpień ’80). W 1980 roku utworzono Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, który opracował i opublikował 21 żądań skierowanych do władz. W artykule uzasadniono, że żądania te są ideologicznymi źródłami „Solidarności”. Autorka uważa, że kazania i encykliki Jana Pawła II oraz teksty ks. Józefa Tischnera (wydane w książce Etyka solidarności oraz Homo sovieticus) również miały wpływ na tworzenie tych żądań. Były to idee, które mogły przywrócić porządek moralny, praworządność, godność i wolność społeczeństwa zniewolonego przez sowietów. Solidarność pragnęła również poprawić status ekonomiczny kraju, zwłaszcza poprzez zakończenie kryzysu. Te myśli były – i są – piękne; niestety, obecnie wiele z nich istnieje tylko w sferze pomysłów lub żądań zapisanych w statucie NSZZ „Solidarność”. Stąd artykuł kończy smutny wniosek, że w rzeczywistości III Rzeczypospolitej idee „Solidarności” nie są już atrakcyjne. Stało się tak, ponieważ współczesne społeczeństwo kieruje się konsumpcjonizmem i staje się banalne. Działanie w związkach zawodowych nie jest już opłacalne, czasem wręcz kłopotliwe i postrzegane jako wyjątkowe. Dlatego ludzie dla zachowania pracy lub innych zysków opuszczają NSZZ „Solidarność”. Biorąc pod uwagę idee stojące za związkami zawodowymi (zwłaszcza ochronę spraw pracowniczych) – jest to swoisty paradoks.
EN
The paper portrays the origins and ideological foundations of NSZZ “Solidarity” (Independent Self-governing Trade Union “Solidarity”) and their meaning in social life at the time of the communist regime in PRL (Polish People’s Republic). There are references to strikes (June ‘56 in Poznan, polish March ’68, June ’76, July ’80 in Lublin and Swidnica and August ’80) and, in 1980, the creation of Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee, which developed and published 21 demands aimed at the authorities. In the study, it is acknowledged that those demands are the ideological sources of Solidarity. The author of the text thinks that John Paul II sermons and encyclicals as well as Fr. Józef Tischner’s texts (published in the book Etyka solidarności oraz Homo sovieticus – Solidarity’s ethics and homo soviecticus) also had an influence on the formation of these ideas, which could bring back moral order, the rule of law, dignity and freedom for the society enslaved by Soviets. “Solidarity” also desired to improve the economic status of the country, particularly by ending the crisis. Those thoughts were, and are, beautiful; unfortunately, nowadays many of them exist only in the sphere of ideas or demands written in NSZZ Solidarity’s statute. Therefore, the article contains a sad conclusion, that in the 3rd Republic of Poland’s reality, “Solidarity’s” ideas are not attractive anymore. It happened because modern society is guided by consumerism and has become banausic. Trade union membership is not beneficial anymore, sometimes even being bothersome and seen as exceptional. That is why people, for the sake of keeping their jobs or other benefits, are leaving NSZZ “Solidarity”. Considering the ideas behind trade unions (especially the protection of worker’s affairs) – it is a peculiar paradox.
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