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PL
This essay investigates the mechanisms of conceptual change in the discourse of Polish political emigration after the November Insurrection of 1830–1. To this end, a methodological apparatus is employed that has been elaborated by scholars of the German ‘history of concepts’ (Begriffsgeschichte) school and by Anglo-Saxon researchers specialised in the intellectual history and studies on ideology. Quoting a series of period source materials, I argue that the decades of 1830s and 1840s are interpretable in the Polish context as the time of a fundamental breakthrough in the sphere of ideas and political concepts. This turn was caused, for one thing, by the absorbability of Polish political discourse of the time, with a number of new ideas and concepts appearing, particularly those borrowed from the French debates ongoing in the period concerned. For another, it resulted from ardent disputes going on in the circles of the Polish Great Emigration. The concluding remarks stress the need to render a method applicable with such considerations empirically rooted since the dynamism of conceptual change is fundamentally different depending on the period as well as national and linguistic context.
EN
In this article I sketch out the general outlines of the so-called ‘Great Polish Emigration’ after the November Uprising (i.e. after 1831) from the (broadly understood) intellectual history perspective. Subsequently I present the wider intellectual background, attempting to place the output of the émigrés in the longer-term intellectual perspective of Polish history. I focus on the main dimensions and reasons underlying the ideological and conceptual evolution of the Polish community that emerged in exile. By evoking the most striking examples of their conceptual and organizational innovations and examining the scale of their publishing activity, I conclude that they brought about substantial changes in many spheres of action and reasoning. In the last part of the article I compare the Great Polish Emigration with similar phenomena in Europe, as well as with precedents and succeeding emigrations in Polish history. In conclusion I try to answer the question posed in the title, i.e. whether the emigration after the November uprising was really ‘great’.
EN
The aim of this article is to examine the issue of religious language within the framework of the discourse of Polish radicals in exile in the period 1828-1852. The first part defines the research question concerning the structures of discourses, types of arguments, and the meaning of key concepts. The next part sketches the development of religious language from the very beginning of the exile period (using the sojourn of Ludwik Królikowski and Bogdan Jański in Paris as an example) until the most elaborate stage of this discourse’s development in the 1840s. The third part touches upon different dimensions of religious language, its critics, the reasons for its use by its proponents, and the question of conceptual transfers from other linguistic contexts. In the conclusion I discuss the role of religious language as a medium of political modernization.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2017
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1
160-194
EN
This article tackles the conceptualisation of the working class amongst the Polish left from the period of the establishment of the Polish Democratic Society (1832) until the convention in Paris, which resulted in the creation of the Polish Socialist Party (1892). The first part of the article concerns the period between 1832-1846. It analyses the first uses of concepts such as “proletarjat” in the Polish political language. It presents a reflective way of transferring political concepts from French. The second part of the article (1846-1878) tackles the slowdown in the process of adaptation of new concepts referring to the working class and looks at generational transformations among Polish left-wing circles. The third part of the article describes the period 1878-1892. Its aim is to show that only in the last decades of the 19th century could one speak of conceptual changes resulting from common Polish experiences. Workers in this last period were pictured as victims of capitalism, yet simultaneously as a class capable of destroying the very same capitalism.
PL
Autor bada sposoby konceptualizacji klasy robotniczej w kręgach polskiej lewicy od powstania Towarzystwa Demokratycznego Polskiego (1832) aż do zjazdu paryskiego, w efekcie którego utworzono Polską Partię Socjalistyczną (1892). Pierwsza część artykułu poświęcona jest okresowi 1832–1846. Zawiera ona analizę pierwszych użyć pojęć takich jak „proletarjat” w polskim języku politycznym, a także ukazuje refleksyjny charakter transferu pojęć politycznych z języka francuskiego. W drugiej części tekstu (1846–1878) z jednej strony podejmowana jest problematyka spowolnienia procesu adaptacji nowych pojęć odnoszących się do klasy robotniczej, z drugiej zaś strony – pokazana zostaje zmiana pokoleniowa zachodzącą w kręgach polskiej lewicy. W trzeciej części omówione są lata 1878–1892. Jej celem jest wskazanie, że dopiero w przypadku schyłku dziewiętnastego wieku można mówić o sytuacji, w której zmiany pojęciowe były rezultatem sumowania doświadczeń polskiej wspólnoty. Robotnicy w tym ostatnim okresie ukazywani byli jako ofiary kapitalizmu, ale także jako ta klasa, która ów system obali.
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