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EU Crisis Management and Conflict Prevention. Identifying Institutional Constrains for Early Warning Analysis Utilization

100%
Stępka M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2017
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issue 49
127-142
EN
Early warning systems are responsible for monitoring crisis situations and generating warning signals of situations which escalate and pose a threat to international and human security. The application of this instrument often determines the success of preventive measures and efficiency of further crisis management. Being aware of the importance of this mechanism, the EU invested substantial resources for its development within the CFSP/CSDP framework. Nonetheless, the faulty institutional design and insufficient analytical capabilities of the EEAS put the applicability of the system in question. The article analyses a set of early warning institutional arrangements embedded in CFSP/CSDP institutional structure. In doing so, it describes and examines the main institutional and systemic constrains of early warning utilization in the EU conflict prevention framework.
2

Sri Lanka: Physical Reconstruction and Economic Development as Conflict Prevention Factors

75%
Đevoić B.
Croatian International Relations Review
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2013
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vol. 19
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issue 69
55-76
EN
This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.
3
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Udział i rola kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych

71%
Szpak A.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2018
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issue 2
49-63
EN
The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader activities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater participation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of mplementing these instruments.
PL
Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów.
4
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Komisja Budowania Pokoju Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych – sukces czy porażka?

71%
Szpak A.
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
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2014
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vol. 76
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issue 3
93-106
EN
Resolving conflicts and achieving durable peace is one of the main goals of the United Nations (UN). For many years the UN has been engaged in peace building efforts. Until the creation of the Peace Building Commission in 2006, however, no part of the UN system had been directly responsible for assistance to States in the post-conflict reality or in the efforts aimed at achieving durable peace. The Peace Building Commission managed to fill in this vacuum through systematic and institutional links between peace keeping, post-conflict operations and international network of assistance as well as activities undertaken by donors, including the World Bank. The aim of this article is to present the functioning of the UN Peace Building Commission: its rules of procedure, composition and the tasks is has been given. First, the normative aspect will be delineated, followed by brief characteristics of concrete cases in which the Commission has been engaged. Based on that analysis, the question whether the work of the Commission has been a success of a failure will be examined and an attempt will be made to determine factors that condition effective work of the Peace Building Commission.
PL
Rozwiązywanie konfliktów i dążenie do ustanowienia trwałego pokoju jest jednym z nadrzędnych celów Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Przez lata angażowała się ona w działalność na rzecz budowania pokoju. Do chwili powstania Komisji Budowania Pokoju w 2006 r. żadna część systemu ONZ nie była bezpośrednio odpowiedzialna za pomoc krajom w okresie pokonfliktowym i w dążeniach do budowania trwałego pokoju. Komisja Budowania Pokoju pozwoliła wypełnić tę lukę przez zapewnienie instytucjonalnego i systematycznego połączenia między utrzymywaniem pokoju, operacjami pokonfliktowymi oraz międzynarodową siecią pomocy i działaniami darczyńców, w tym Banku Światowego. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie funkcjonowania Komisji Budowania Pokoju: zasady jej działania, skład oraz zadania jej postawione. Po przedstawieniu strony normatywnej pokrótce opisano konkretne przypadki zaangażowania Komisji. Podjęto też próbę odpowiedzi na tytułowe pytanie – czy działalność Komisji to sukces czy porażka oraz jakie czynniki mają wpływ na sprawne i skuteczne działanie Komisji Budowania Pokoju.
5
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POST-REVOLUTIONARY NEOLIBERAL REFORMS IN UKRAINE (SECURITY CONTEXT)

63%
Chapichadze K.
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
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2015
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vol. 2(5)
39-44
EN
The main question to be addressed while discussing post-revolutionary and in particular, post-EuroMaidan Revolution reforms being implemented in Ukraine is – how significant can be essentially neoliberal reforms being conducted in Ukraine in terms of overcoming first of all military-political, but also economic crisis and providing peace in the country, which could positively impact international security as well? Why can we assess post-EuroMaidan reforms as in fact neoliberal? Not only Georgian, but also other foreign libertarians’ direct active participation in the Ukrainian Government makes these reforms neoliberal, but first of all Ukrainian President – Petro Poroshenko’s broadly announced “4-Ds Program”. However, it is noteworthy to mention that there is still an important gap and internal controversy within the current Ukrainian leadership when it comes to the implementation of this program. There is also a meaningful controversy in addition to attempt assuming generally that neoliberal, and specifically, neoliberal economic policy in Ukraine as well, is an efficient strategy for internal or external conflict resolution and/or has conflict preventive function if we take into consideration much specific in many regards Georgian-Russian War of 2008 and current factual Russian-Ukrainian War, both conflicts taking place in parallel with the neoliberalization of Georgia and Ukraine.
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Aktywność RFN w Radzie Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w latach 2019-2020

63%
Dobosz-Dobrowolska J.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2021
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issue 1 (378)
29-49
EN
The article discusses the policy of unified Germany in the UN Security Council in the terms of 1995-1996, 2003-2004, 2011-2012 and 2019-2020, focusing in particular on the last two-year period. It aims to identify the main areas of German involvement and outline the process of shaping a vision of Germany's global role. The subsequent terms of Germany in the UN SC are characterized by increasing involvement, which led to taking over by Germany in 2019-2020 of the global presidency (or co-presidency) in Germany's priority areas of responsibility, which include: conflict prevention, counteracting climate change and its consequences for security, strengthening the protection of women, supporting compliance with humanitarian law and disarmament. Concomitantly a second thesis may be put forward that in these areas in the years 2019-2020 Germany’s activity took a formative form. The last German term in UN SC also showed Germany’s increasing effectiveness in integrating large groups of countries around its demands and priorities. Those theses were verified by inductive inference combining distributed source data. The research problem is explained by two approaches: (1) individualistic, interpreting Germany's aspirations to shape global politics in accordance with the assumptions appropriate to its internal documents, mainly the coalition agreements of the ruling parties, and (2) structuralist, perceiving the manner and scope of the states' involvement in the global peace and security processes as an inevitable process leading to the commonality of professed values and mutual adjustment of states.
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Konflikty społeczne w doświadczeniu młodzieży małego miasta

63%
Słaboń A.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2014
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issue 7(931)
79-93
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań empirycznych dotyczących konfliktów społecznych przeprowadzonych wśród młodzieży szkół ponadgimnazjalnych w Niepołomicach. Pytania dotyczyły sposobów doświadczania konfliktów przez młodzież w różnych sferach życia – rodziny, szkoły, społeczności lokalnej, a także relacji między różnymi grupami młodzieży oraz relacji międzypokoleniowych. Na częste występowanie konfliktów w tych dziedzinach wskazywało ogółem 12–30% respondentów. Częstym źródłem nierówności i dyskryminacji w opinii badanych są: religia (6,5%), poglądy polityczne (12%), odmienne systemy wartości (15%), przynależność do subkultur (23%) oraz nierówności majątkowe (28%). Uzyskane wyniki analizowane są w kontekście problemu zapobiegania konfliktom.
EN
In this article, the author presents empirical research on social conflicts among youth in the small town of Niepołomice, near Cracow. It discusses different ways social conflict is experienced in everyday life, especially in family, school, the local community, relationships between different groups of youth, and intergenerational relations. 12–30% of respondents indicated that social conflicts are common in the area. Participants in the research stated that frequent sources of inequality and discrimination include religion (6,5%), political opinions (12%), different value systems (15%), participation in subcultures (23%), and financial inequality (28%). The results of this research are analysed from the perspective of conflict prevention.
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Kompleksowe podejście Unii Europejskiej do konfliktów zewnętrznych i sytuacji kryzysowych. Analiza instytucjonalno-prawna

63%
Czachór Z.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2016
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vol. 8(44)
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issue 3
115-129
PL
W dążeniu do realizacji celów Unii Europejskiej w zakresie działań zewnętrznych traktat lizboński wzywa do zachowania ich spójności, także z innymi politykami Unii. Po wejściu w życie traktatu i powstaniu nowego kontekstu instytucjonalnego wzrósł zarówno potencjał, jak i ambicje Unii Europejskiej, które może realizować ona przez wykorzystanie pełnej gamy instrumentów i zasobów – w dążeniu do działań bardziej skutecznych i o większym znaczeniu strategicznym. Uznano zatem, że koncepcje i zasady regulujące kompleksowe podejście zyskać muszą rangę zasad przewodnich działań zewnętrznych UE we wszystkich dziedzinach, w szczególności w odniesieniu do zapobiegania konfliktom i reagowania w sytuacjach kryzysowych. Z tego względu instytucje europejskie określają wiele konkretnych działań, które podejmuje Unia, dążąc do osiągnięcia coraz bardziej kompleksowego podejścia w polityce i działaniach z zakresu stosunków zewnętrznych. Dla realizacji tego zadania (co precyzyjnie analizuje powyższy tekst) zajęto się wszystkimi etapami cyklu konfliktu i kryzysów zewnętrznych – od wczesnego ostrzegania i gotowości poprzez zapobieganie konfliktom oraz reagowanie i zarządzanie kryzysowe aż po wczesny etap wychodzenia z kryzysu, budowania stabilizacji i pokoju, mający pomóc dotkniętym kryzysem państwom w powrocie do zrównoważonego długofalowego rozwoju.
EN
In the pursuit of the objectives of the external action of the European Union the Lisbon Treaty calls for consistency between the different areas of EU external action and between these and its other policies. Following the entry into force of the Treaty and the new institutional context it created, the EU has both the increased potential and the ambition – by drawing on the full range of its instruments and resources – to make its external action more consistent, more effective and more strategic. The ideas and principles governing the comprehensive approach have yet to become, systematically, the guiding principles for EU external action across all areas, in particular in relation to conflict prevention and crisis resolution.The European institutions sets out a number of concrete steps that the EU, collectively, is taking towards an increasingly comprehensive approach in its external relations policies and action. This covers all stages of the cycle of conflict or other external crises; through early warning and preparedness, conflict prevention, crisis response and management to early recovery, stabilisation and peace-building in order to help countries getting back on track towards sustainable long-term development.
9
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The European Union as a Regional Organization within the Meaning of the UN Charter

51%
Fernández S. N.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2012
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vol. 32
259-269
EN
Since it assumed competences in the area of security and defence, the EU has become a complete regional organization in the sense of the Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. This article explains the current situation, following the recognition of the EU’s special status by the United Nations and the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The future implementation of the mutual defence clause can improve the relevance of the European role as a security actor in the global framework of the UN and add a new task to its traditional peace-keeping, crisis management, and conflict prevention operations. In addition, the EU is an important political actor in the implementation of UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, especially those concerning the sanctions against individuals considered as belonging to terrorist organizations. By refusing the implementation of a UNSC resolution that fails to protect human rights, the EU can contribute to the evolution of the UN Charter legal order and be a political force to be reckoned with in the Security Council. The EU orientation, as reflected in its values, including respect for international law, can both reinforce the legitimacy of some UNSC resolutions and improve the credibility and specificity of the EU as an international actor.
10
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NEOLIBERAL POLICY: MEASURE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION/TRANSFORMATION OR ESCALATION?

51%
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
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2016
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vol. 2(7) Obrona Terytorialna i jej rola we współczesnych systemach bezpieczeństwa
427-431
EN
General assumption suggests that neoliberal policy is an efficient strategy for conflict resolution/ transformation and/ or has conflict preventive function. This theory is based on the logical expectation of peace as a necessary condition for productive economic activity, while getting as much profit as possible seems ideal in a peaceful environment. The examples of internally conflict less contemporary prosperous states practicing neoliberal approach (the US, Great Britain, modern China - through merging, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, etc.) have to be taken into consideration in this regard. However, development of neoliberalism – s. c. neoliberalization, but first of all consequences of this process apparently show different stages of conflict evolution in different regions and countries of the world directly affected by neoliberal policy. The US war in Iraq, military operations in Afghanistan, Syria, etc. can be discussed as illustrations of great economic interest of key neoliberal powers to gain maximum profit and material resources in developing countries, rich with such resources and potential, that are already successfully made as economic and/ or political/ military bases for the neoliberal superpowers, whether are targeted as such. Competition as an integral part of neoliberal system and one of the determining factors for its success can also be a counterargument to the interpretation of neoliberalism as a peaceful doctrine and practice. The complex nature especially of human relationships, for instance, in the workplace, as well as in a society at large, conflictual tensions and/or conflict escalation within socium, are of great importance while analyzing violent or peaceful essence and/ or effects of neoliberal development. In addition, much more massive social tension based on increasing inequality has to be taken into account, under neoliberalism.
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