The article is an attempt to answer the question of the range of changes introduced by the Hungarian Constitution, that came into force on 1st of January 2012. The Author Maciej Borski has compared the new Constitution to the previous one of the provenance going back to socialist times. Basing on the thesis, that the New Constitution has not provided any major changes into the legal system, the paper points out the provisions and regulations that were the most widely discussed both in Hungary and abroad. Taking into consideration the political context of the changes, the Author tries to explain and describe the way that passing the new Constitution became possible, as well as to name the risk arising from the constantly increasing power of the Victor Orban’s government, while further marginalizing the political opposition.
Po dojściu do władzy Viktora Orbána, w 2011 r. została uchwalona nowa konstytucja Węgier, która zawiera odrębną część poświęconą stanom nadzwyczajnym. W tym czasie konstytucyjny stan zagrożenia został wprowadzony na Węgrzech w obliczu pandemii covid-19 w 2020 r. oraz wojny w Ukrainie w 2022 r., a w przypadku kryzysu migracyjnego w 2015 r. wprowadzono stan kryzysowy normowany ustawowo. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie rodzajów stanów nadzwyczajnych na Węgrzech oraz praktyki ich stosowania w okresie rządów partii Fidesz w oparciu o analizę aktów prawnych regulujących zagadnienie stanów nadzwyczajnych. Teza główna zakłada, iż rząd Orbána wykorzystał nadzwyczajną sytuację w państwie nie tylko do celów walki z zagrożeniem, ale także do wzmacniania swojej i tak już silnej pozycji w węgierskim systemie politycznym.
EN
After Viktor Orbán came to power, a new constitution of Hungary was adopted in 2011, which includes a separate section devoted to the states of emergency. In this time a constitutional state of danger was introduced in Hungary in the face of the covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and the war in Ukraine in 2022, and in the case of the migration crisis in 2015, a state of crisis was introduced regulated by law. The aim of the article is to present the types of states of emergency in Hungary and the practice of their application during the rule of the Fidesz party based on the analysis of legal acts regulating the issue of extraordinary measures. The main thesis assumes that the government of Orbán used the extraordinary situation in the country not only to fight the threat, but also to strengthen its already strong position in the Hungarian political system.
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