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PL
Pojęcie „bezpieczeństwa” zrobiło w ostatniej dekadzie zawrotną karierę. „Bezpieczeństwo obywateli” tradycyjnie pojmowano jako działalność władz publicznych przeciwdziałającą zagrożeniom porządku publicznego, życia, zdrowia i mienia obywateli oraz powstrzymującą i odpierającą wszelkie działania godzące w te dobra zarówno pochodzące z zewnątrz, jak i z wewnątrz kraju. Podmiotem administracji bezpośrednio odpowiedzialnym za bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne jest policja. Doniosłym kryterium oceny administracji publicznej jest współcześnie poszanowanie praw człowieka. Praktyka dowodzi, że w swych działaniach policja dopuszcza się naruszeń tych praw. Jedną z przyczyn tego stanu rzeczy jest swoista dewaluacja idei praw człowieka we współczesnych demokracjach.
EN
The notion of „security” made a tremendous career during the last decade. „The citizen’s security” was traditionally viewed as the activity of public authorities opposing threats for public policy, citizens’ life, health and property as well as countering all activities causing damage to those goods, coming from the interior and exterior of the country. An administrative entity directly responsible for the internal security is the police. Nowadays, the respect for human rights is a significant criterion for evaluating public administration. Experience shows that the police violate those rights. One of the reasons for this state of affairs is the specific devaluation of the idea of human rights in modern democracies.
EN
The aim of the article is a constitutional-legal analysis of the relations between the state, churches and religious associations in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany. The structural flexibility of the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany (Grundgesetz, GG) is surprising in two ways. Firstly, because, conceived in 1949 as a provisional constitution, it proved to be not only a remarkably durable creation but also a useful(and convenient) tool with which the restoration of German-wide state unity was accomplished in 1990. Secondly, however, because of the regulation of Article 140 of the Basic Law. For it is not often that we come across a regulation in the text of a constitution currently in force, whereby the provisions of the previous basic law are transferred to the new one in their entirety and without any changes. The case in the German constitutional reality pertains to the relations between the state, churches and religious associations. According to article 140 of the Basic Law, the regulations of articles 136, 137, 138, 139 and 141 of the Weimar Constitution (Weimarer Reichsverfassung, WRV) indeed constitute an integral part of the Basic Law of 23 May 1949. The author puts forward the hypothesis that if one views the current German constitution (but with old regulations) from the perspective of its flexibility, it can be said that the systemic separation of church(es) and state, known and practiced in the world since the French Revolution of 1789, is not (and was not) the model of state/church separation in Germany, i.e. one in which the state maintains religious neutrality, and the churches remain autonomous in their activities in relation to it.
EN
The Federal Council (Bundesrat) is one of the main public authorities in Germany. It is one of the four federal public authorities, which – in accordance with the listing included in the Basic Law (Grundgesetz), are Bundestag, Bundesrat, Bundespräsident and Bundesregierung. Their exceptional status results from the fact that their competences are explicite listed in the Basic Law, not – as in the case of other public authorities – in ordinary law. As the Federal Council is one of the main public authorities, it cannot be understood at the same time as a part of another authority. It is an enormous institutional misunderstanding to present the Bundesrat as the second or higher chamber of the German parliament.
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The Statute and the Judge

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EN
The paper is an English translation of Prąd nowy w prawoznawstwie. Ustawa a sędzia by Antoni Peretiatkowicz, published originally in Pol-ish in 1916. The text is published as a part of a jubilee edition of the “Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review. 100th Anniversary of the Faculty of Law and Administration” devoted to the achievements of the late Professors of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań.
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The paper is an English translation of O pojęciu organu państwowego by Karol Marian Pospieszalski, published originally in “Ruch Prawniczy Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny” in 1972. The text is published as a part of a jubilee edition of the “Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review. 100th Anniversary of the Faculty of Law and Administration” devoted to the achievements of the late Professors of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań.
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EN
Durability of the constitutional status quo established after World War II must trigger the curiosity of a careful observer of thehistory of German constitutionalism. One must also wonder which new or newly defined institutions of the political system could ensure such stability. If we rely only on a reading of the constitutional regulations in this respect, the intention of the legislator to protect the substance of the Constitution through its build-in security immediately becomes clear. Apparently, this is an effective means, since Germans have lived under the current Constitution for the last 66 years,close to five times longer than under the Weimar Constitution.
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(Ne)ústavné ústavné zvyklosti

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EN
One of the most general and widespread classifications of law distinguishes between written law and unwritten law, respectively between codified sources of law and non-codified sources of law. However, there are accounts, about the existence of exclusively written law which argue, that unwritten law is just a historical undesirable remark of the age where these classifications arose. In fact, unwritten law maybe did not find its application in most branches of law, which form the legal order of the Slovak Republic. However, there is a branch of law in the Slovak Republic, in which unwritten rights and unwritten rules of behaviour play a very special and a significant role. This branch of law is called constitutional law. In this article, we will write about unwritten constitutional rights in the process of interpretation and application of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic and we will also try to define them, characterize them and classify them into two categories: “the conventions” and “unwritten rules of behaviour”.
EN
The opinion presents major differences in the legal situation of clients- entrepreneurs in relation to (legally privileged) recipients being household owners and consumers. Moreover, the author presents legal arguments for an extension of the protection standard regarding privileged entrepreneurs to micro-entrepreneurs and small entrepreneurs under the European Union legislation and in compliance with the national one. The opinion contains arguments for a specific national legislation, which would provide content to the state obligation to provide assistance to the development of entrepreneurship, in particular the micro-entrepreneurs, and which would facilitate an effective use of liberties of a uniformed EU market in the trans-border dimension.
EN
The article presents rudimentary information on how the right to privacy is understood in the doctrine and case law of the European Court of Human Rights, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, the Supreme Court and common courts. In the first place, the author will discuss protection of the right to privacy in light of the acts of international law and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Then, selected judgments linked with the right to privacy in certain aspects will be discussed. The article ends with conclusions on how the right to privacy is understood as well as the observable contemporary threats to its protection.
EN
The topic of the present article is the response of states to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic by using extraordinary legal measures provided for in their constitutions and legislation. By reference to the research project's findings, the authors characterise the legal solutions in selected jurisdictions and attempt to demonstrate the relationship between the application of emergency measures and the specific political system of states. By doing so, the authors consider such factors as the territory, population, or type of political regime.
EN
On the 4th and 5th of March 2021 the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL), Gender Equality Research Institute, scientific journal ”Przegląd Europejski”, AEQUITAS and The European Law Student`s Association Ljubljana had organised the International Conference on Comparative Legal Review and the Judicial Protection of Gender Equality. ”Przegląd Europejski” is proud to publish the articles on this important topic and the conference speech of the president of the IACL, professor Adrienne Stone, PhD, Redmond Barry Distinguished Professor, Melbourne Law School
EN
This text is a record of a speech given during the Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems. The main subject of this paper is the need to carry out research on political systems using diverse methods and takes, both legal and “humanistic”. The paper shows how important in terms of methodology it is to compare particular legal status with reality using examples when legal analysis is not sufficient, for example, on the account of social rebellion. The text identifies challenges that researchers of political systems face due to that fact. In this context is also discusses the problems related to studying such institutions as, for example, the Ukrainian Maidan.
Prawo
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2015
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issue 317
115 - 121
EN
The article is an attempt to look at the New Zealand constitution from the Law and Economics perspective. This methodological approach is relatively new and till now, insufficiently explored. It implies the rational choice of a human being who strives to maximize own usefulness in public life. This assumption requires the legal frameworks though. The South Pacific legal studies are indeed a scientific gap in Poland and the whole Europe. Due to this fact, it needs to be filled, by researching the law of the Oceanian states. The Constitution Act is de iure the source of legal values within the society. However, New Zealand, as the rest of the postcolonial states of the British Empire, does not possess a typical constitution (according to the continental doctrine). The Constitution of New Zealand is compounded of many acts and customs of different hierarchy and origin. Law and EconoThis assumption requires the legal frameworks though. The South Pacific legal studies are indeed mics perspective allows also to analyse the constitutional law from the perspective of the pragmatic choices of citizens.
EN
The author endeavors to display the didactic process in undergraduate studies in administration and security. He emphasizes the legitimacy and the understanding of trans-political functions of the law. The article also discusses the legal and constitutional notion of liberty and security, which students do not fnd obvious. Moreover, he puts forward some methods that make lectures in constitutional rules more accessible to students.
EN
The aim of this article is to guide the Justice Antonin Scalia’s originalism concept of the interpretaion of the Constitution of the United States, in contrast to the views on the interpretation of constitutional provisions, in particular the concept of judicial activism and a living (breathing) constitution. The author points out the danger of increasing the significance of the political dimension of judges’ activism on the level of interpreting constitutional and international law.
EN
The author endeavors to display the didactic process in undergraduate studies in administration and security. He emphasizes the legitimacy and the understanding of trans-political functions of the law. The article also discusses the legal and constitutional notion of liberty and security, which students do not fnd obvious. Moreover, he puts forward some methods that make lectures in constitutional rules more accessible to students.
EN
The semantic analysis of the term “legitimisation” is a particularly major issue, because determining the understanding of this term has a fundamental meaning for further considerations of such important issues as the legitimisation of the power, the judiciary or the systemic position of a judge. In the doctrine of the constitutional law there are lacks in-depth semantic analyzes that would allow a precise explication of what lawyers think when they use the term “legitimisation”. Even a cursory analysis of the literature in this field could allow us to draw a preliminary conclusion that when we discuss about this term, in a significant part of the cases considered, there is no reflection on the meaning of the concept of “legitimisation” itself. In this study, author analyzed definitions of this concept, which appears in the dictionaries of the Polish language, and then confronted the established meanings with the understanding of “legitimisation” in the legal and lawyers’ language. In conclusions, author points two basic ways of understanding the term “legitimisation” and proposed to distinguish them by assigning the phrase “legitimacy” to one of these meanings, and “legitimisation” to the other.
PL
Analiza semantyczna terminu „legitymizacja” jest zagadnieniem szczególnie doniosłym z uwagi na to, że ustalenie rozumienia tego terminu ma fundamentalne znaczenie dla dalszych rozważań nad tak ważnymi kwestiami, jak legitymizacja władzy sądowniczej czy pozycji ustrojowej sędziego. W doktrynie prawa konstytucyjnego brakuje pogłębionych analiz semantycznych, które pozwoliłyby na precyzyjną eksplikację tego, co myślą prawnicy, gdy używają terminu „legitymizacja”. Nawet pobieżna analiza literatury z tego zakresu pozwala na wyciągnięcie wstępnego wniosku, że w znacznej części rozpatrywanych spraw brak jest refleksji nad znaczeniem samego pojęcia „legitymizacja”. W niniejszym opracowaniu autor dokonał analizy definicji tego pojęcia, które pojawiają się w słownikach języka polskiego, a następnie skonfrontował ustalone znaczenia z rozumieniem „legitymizacji” w języku prawnym i prawniczym. We wnioskach autor wskazuje na dwa podstawowe sposoby rozumienia pojęcia „legitymizacja” i zaproponował ich rozróżnienie poprzez przypisanie jednemu z tych znaczeń terminu „legitymizacja”, a drugiemu „legitymacja”.
EN
In the preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland (of 2nd April, 1997) legislator refers to God and culture rooted in the Christian heritage of the Nation. The question arises whether the reference to religious elements in the legal text in some way affects the process of applying the law? The answer should be yes. It is not about favoring Christian denominations, or discrimination against people who do not believe in God. The crux is to create law and decode legal principle contained therein, taking into account the Christian moral values. This is due to the centuries-long contribution that Christianity has brought to the cultural and historical heritage of Europe, creating its unique identity. The reference to God highlights the human autonomy towards state and means prohibition of state totalitarianism.
PL
W preambule Konstytucji z 1997 r. ustrojodawca odwołał się do Boga i kultury zakorzenionej w chrześcijańskim dziedzictwie Narodu. Powstaje pytanie, jakie znaczenie mają przedmiotowe odwołania dla procesu stosowania prawa. Na pewno nie prowadzą one do faworyzowania chrześcijan czy dyskryminacji ludzi niewierzących w Boga. Odwołanie do chrześcijańskiego dziedzictwa przyczynia się raczej do opierania się na chrześcijańskich wartościach przy tworzeniu i aplikacji prawa. Proces ten jest dość naturalny i wynika z dziejowej roli chrześcijaństwa w Europie. Odwołanie do Boga podkreśla z kolei ludzką autonomię wobec państwa i oznacza zakaz totalitaryzmu państwowego.
EN
The paper focuses on the right of citizens who are believers and nonbelievers to the Cross’s presence on public land or in prominent public buildings. The au- thors support arguments used in the 2019 case of the United States Supreme Court American Legion v. American Humanist Association by outcomes of legal analyses presented during the 2011 controversy concerning the presence of the Cross in the chamber of the Polish parliament. There seems to be no logical con- nection between the presence of the Cross in public places and the government’s impartiality in religious matters. The Cross does not threaten the impartiality as it fulfills an important social function: it calls for readiness to sacrifice in the name of the good of other people. The right to the Cross becomes an expression of sincere concern for the common good and of true humanism. The people’s expectation that their right to the Cross is respected proves to be both legitimate and constitutional in Poland and in the United States. It is true particularly when the Cross had already been present on public land for a significant period of time. An act of establishing the Cross in public space is different in its nature from demolishing the Cross by cutting its arms or removing it completely from any public space.
PL
Recurrent events of a terrorist character, especially those occurring not in arenas of armed conflict or in countries that are not – at least formally – at war with others, make it necessary not only to consider a redefinition of the state security systems, but also to reflect deeply on the human rights-inspired paradigms accepted hitherto. Regardless of one’s convictions and interpretation of current events, it is difficult to avoid repeating questions concerning the efficiency of public authorities and our legal system in the context of European experiences with terrorism. It is necessary to examine whether the commonly recognized constitutional and human rights standards facilitate the development by the state of instruments aimed at the effective prevention of terrorism. In the process of enacting and applying anti-terrorist laws one must pay heed to the mutual relations between goods protected and violated by a given regulation. As noted above, there is no freedom without security, but also there is no security without freedom. This tension makes a proportionality test very troublesome. The legislator should, above all, harmonize the axiological contexts of the provisions constructed thereby, so that they are orientated towards the protection of both security and freedom.
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