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EN
Theoretical background: The article explores the relationship between corruption and innovation in an economy and between corruption and economic growth. The multi-faceted and complex nature of corruption means that the impact of corruption on innovation and economic growth is unidirectional. There are arguments in the literature for both positive and negative effects of corruption on macroeconomic figures. Most empirical research confirms the linear negative impact of corruption on economic growth. These results are the opposite of theoretical arguments that there may be both positive and negative consequences of corruption.Purpose of the article: The research aim is to analyse the theoretical aspects of the impact of corruption on selected macroeconomic variables. This goal was achieved by analysing the most significant arguments describing the relationships between chosen variables. Based on the literature analysis, research hypotheses were developed, and they were verified in an empirical study. The results were analysed in the discussion section.Research methods: The study is based on a set of data on economically developed countries in Europe from 1996 to 2017. The empirical study was conducted using basic statistical measures – descriptive statistics and correlation coefficient, whereas econometric models were based on the GMM system (Generalized Method of Moments).Main findings: The results of this research show that the relationships between corruption and the measure of innovation, and corruption and economic growth are not linear. They take the form of a parabola. This means that the influence of corruption on innovation and economic growth is not the same for all levels of the corruption indicator. The relationship between corruption and economic growth is specific enough to show that a low level of corruption is economically justified from the point of view of empirical research. This is possible because corruption solves other economic problems, such as bureaucracy, which limits development. Corruption will support economic growth if the state does not work properly.
PL
Theoretical background: The article explores the relationship between corruption and innovation in an economy and between corruption and economic growth. The multi-faceted and complex nature of corruption means that the impact of corruption on innovation and economic growth is unidirectional. There are arguments in the literature for both positive and negative effects of corruption on macroeconomic fiures. Most empirical research confirms the linear negative impact of corruption on economic growth. These results are the opposite of theoretical arguments that there may be both positive and negative consequences of corruption. Purpose of the article: The research aim is to analyse the theoretical aspects of the impact of corruption on selected macroeconomic variables. This goal was achieved by analysing the most signifiant arguments describing the relationships between chosen variables. Based on the literature analysis, research hypotheses were developed, and they were verifid in an empirical study. The results were analysed in the discussion section. Research methods: The study is based on a set of data on economically developed countries in Europe from 1996 to 2017. The empirical study was conducted using basic statistical measures – descriptive statistics and correlation coefficient, whereas econometric models were based on the GMM system (Generalized Method of Moments). Main findings: The results of this research show that the relationships between corruption and the measure of innovation, and corruption and economic growth are not linear. They take the form of a parabola. This means that the influence of corruption on innovation and economic growth is not the same for all levels of the corruption indicator. The relationship between corruption and economic growth is specific enough to show that a low level of corruption is economically justified from the point of view of empirical research. This is possible because corruption solves other economic problems, such as bureaucracy, which limits development. Corruption will support economic growth if the state does not work properly.
EN
This paper shows that corruption constitutes a threat to the rule of law in a democratic law-observing state, destroying it from within and ridiculing it outside. It destabilises social relations in such a state, which adversely affects the political system as well as the development of legislation and economy. The paper also reminds that corruption erodes social relations, causing demoralisation and slackening of morals in society. Corruption may also be a threat to the life, health and property of citizens. The author tracks views about corruption using the method of theoretical analysis of the notions (critical analysis of secondary sources); the statistical method, mainly analysing the latest Corruption Perceptions Index (2019); and the dogmatic-legal method. He concludes that corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of a democratic law-observing state, disrupting the political space, spoiling the law, and causing destructive phenomena in the economic as well as in the moral sphere. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and perverting the principles of democracy. Corruption interacts with legality acting as a feedback loop, as it destroys the rule of law and democracy, which in turn deepens corruptive phenomena.
EN
Based on political changes initiated in 1989 and on moral and legal patterns stipulated in the Act on the Police of 6 April 1990, this paper brings closer the development of the Police Forces in Poland up to the present day. The analysis is carried out in the context of criminal behaviour and other shameful acts performed by police officers. Most of them generally discredited the professionalism and fundamental ethical principles of the Police. However, at the same time, the Police regularly receives new legal instruments such as "the crown witness" and the so called "small crown witness" to fight organized crime, and a number of specialized structures such as the Central Investigation Bureau. The Police is systematically developing contacts and cooperation with foreign institutions such as Europol, FBI or BKA. Unfortunately, around 2003 and 2004 internal criminal activities conducted by police officers started to intensify. Corruption spread among officers of all ranks, from local police stations to the General Head Quarters. The media are full of stories of lame investigations for example in murder of the Chief of the National Police Marek Papała or murder of a young businessman Krzysztof Olewnik. Cardinal professional errors committed during these investigations put the Police in an unfavourable light. Therefore, doubts regarding professionalism, ethical values and authority of the Police seem to be justified. The author also points to reckless development of relations between the Police Head Quarters and politicians who put the Police officers of the highest rank under their dubious supervision and command. The moral values and political neutrality so important for the founding fathers of the modern Police, now after 26 years, remain a mere theoretical legal record. As a conclusion, this paper suggests a consensus solution: an institution with high public authority for example the Ombudsman or the Supreme Bar Council, in order to establish a permanent practice of appointment of the head of the Police for a 5-year term of office with the possibility of renewal for the next 5 years.
EN
Research background: The transformations induced by global challenges call for new approaches towards competitiveness and thus require a consistent rethinking of strategies and mechanisms so that they could be better adapted to the constantly changing context. Prior to the European Union (EU) accession, the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states began a broad process of economic reforms, including trade liberalization, mass privatization, exchange rate liberalization, all of which led to a wider opening to new markets, the creation of new opportunities for production and to ensuring the competitiveness of companies on foreign markets. By far, the most important step in the post-communist period was joining the EU, achieved after 2004. Over time, these states have faced, on the one hand, issues related to addressing systemic vulnerabilities, and on the other hand, finding the most appropriate measures to induce competitiveness. The influence of public policies on competitiveness is still an issue that needs to be debated, our study proposing to examine the reaction of external competitiveness to the increase of government spending and corruption. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of fiscal policies and corruption on the external competitiveness of the eleven countries from Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) for the period 1995-2020. The choice of this time interval is to better capture the trinomial relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption before and after the process of integration of the CEE states into the EU. Methods: The methodology chosen is based on ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lag) with structural breaks, the period taken into account being 1995-2020. The Unit root  test  of  augmented Dickey-Fuller ADF  (2016) was used  to  assess  the  time  series  stationarity. The test developed by Bai and Perron (2003) is applied to detect structural breaks, by resorting to the LM test. The tests for the cointegration between the considered variables, using the ARDL model, proposed by Pesaran et al. (2001), were also part of the research. The causality test of Granger et al. (2000) was used to assess the conditionality between the indicators. By applying these methods, it was highlighted that, especially after 2007, in the states under analysis, expansionary fiscal policies have led to internal devaluations of the currency, which ultimately increased external competitiveness, measured as real effective exchange rate. Instead, corruption has a negative impact on competitiveness. Findings & value added: The obtained results point out the relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption in CEE countries. In the case of those that have a high competitiveness, even if there are large government expenditures, there is also an economic environment conducive to the implementation of measures that generate added value on a large scale. Conversely, in countries where corruption is high, the impact of government fiscal policies on competitiveness is reduced due to the negative effects caused by this phenomenon. Our study brings at least two contributions to the literature. First of all, the research shows how a growth in public spending affects the competitiveness of CEE economies through the real exchange rate. Secondly, it takes into account the phenomenon of corruption applied to Eastern countries, emphasizing a decrease in the external competitiveness of these economies in response to the manifestation of corruption.
PL
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EN
A crucial element of the mechanism to prevent corruption in public administration is the explicit procedure of reacting to corruption events, regardless of whether it is based on ISO procedures or if it results from another system of legal solutions. The statutory anti-corruption solutions introduced in public institutions in the form of management control involve the staff abiding by ethical values, and they serve to improve the transparency, legal conduct, and ethics in the operations of a public administration office. The results of empirical research confirm that the implemented management control procedures form integral parts of the anti-corruption system in public entities.
PL
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EN
The corporate governance system in Russia, having evolved through years, can be characterized by the following features: the dominant role of the concentrated ownership structure, corporate supervision relying on a combination of ownership function and company management, the significant role of the state as the owner, and the fairly marginal relevance of external market mechanisms. Those features result partly from particular legal solutions and partly from the unwritten, informal customs or patterns of behaviour of the so-called informal institutions.The article’s main thrust is to analyse selected informal institutions which were considered the most significant from the Russian corporate governance system point of view. These are, among others: the tendency not to obey the rights of minority shareholders, informal relationships of enterprises with authorities of various levels, and corruption. The author assumes that informal institutions decide upon the specificity of the corporate governance system in Russia and its particular elements, and upon the efficient functioning of supervisory mechanisms.
EN
The study focuses on two Slovak corruption cases, both well-documented and of similar social relevance, of which one did not receive any cross-media coverage. Moreover, the case of large-scale bribery was rather under-hyped in comparison to other major corruption scandals occurring in the country. The case of cronyism formed a typical example of extremely poor inter-media coverage of highly unfair and politicised cronyism. Through these cases, especially in the one in which the media failed to stimulate the creation of a full-blown scandal, the study further analyses the criteria and circumstances that determine the worthiness of a case for wide media coverage. The study on Slovakia is framed within theories of scandalous reporting and the theory of agenda setting and inter-media agenda setting role of the media, and supported by quantitative analysis of actual media coverage of the bribery case.
EN
The paper analyses the Guidelines issued in 2020 by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau in Poland on the establishment and implementation of effective compliance programmes in the public sector. These guidelines constitute the very first Polish official document referring to compliance in the public sector. Its detailed critical analysis is therefore useful for the construction of compliance policies by public institutions, in order to prevent and possibly detect irregularities, including corruption, within these organisations.
EN
In this paper, we study the evolution of corruption patterns in 27 post-communist countries during the period 1996-2012 using the Control of Corruption Index and the corruption category Markov transition probability matrix. This method allows us to generate the long-run distribution of corruption among the post-communist countries. Our empirical findings suggest that corruption in the post-communist countries is a very persistent phenomenon that does not change much over time. Several theoretical explanations for such a result are provided.
EN
In this article, the author make an attempt to analyze the specific activities of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau in the years 2007–2009. References were made to general measures taken in that period of time as well as to the two high-profile media cases in which Miroslaw Garlicki and Beata Sawicka were detained. Thereby it was possible to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau.
EN
Cryptocurrency has become ubiquitous and is evolving constantly. The question is if our legal framework is catching up with it. Therefore, this article analyzes the arguments on the legitimacy and legality of cryptocurrency in order to emphasize the relation between corruption and cryptocurrency. The research has enlightened some cogent arguments on the possibility of perpetrators committing corruption acts through cryptocurrency. These arguments basically refer to some of the unique characteristics of cryptocurrency such as the quick value fluctuation, the difficulties in tractability and the lacking current legislation. The unique features of it may headline cryptocurrency as an immensely attractive environment for corruption activities. Hence the world has already faced some tangled scamming scandals with cryptocurrency specified herein. Therefore, the aim of this article is to highlight the possibility for corruption acts to be committed through cryptocurrency as a form of corruption unknown before.
EN
Corruption is the greatest pitfall of Indian democracy; it gradually erodes the faith of the Indian citizens in parliamentary democracy. Another disconcerting trend is the crim-inalization of politics which has emerged as a natural corollary to political corruption. The failure to deal with political corruption and criminalization has led to the deprava-tion of political morality in India. It is against this backdrop that the article would exam-ine the issues of political corruption and criminalization of politics in India. The article would end by providing the “Gandhian” solution to this problem.
EN
Money laundering, terrorist financing and corruption are connected mutually threats to democratic society and economic systems. It is obvious that it must be countered internationally. The article deals with issues related to basic changes in area of counteracting of these threats. These changes are results of III Directive of October 25, 2005, on the prevention of the use the financial system for the purpose of money laundering and terrorist financing. This act established risk based approach (RBA). The article presents rules of RBA in fighting against money laundering and terrorist financing. By adopting a risk-based approach (RBA), competent authorities and financial institutions are able to ensure that measures to prevent or mitigate money laundering are commensurate to the risks identified. This will allow resources to be allocated in the most efficient ways. As a result this approach is more effective selection of suspicious transactions, increasing effectiveness of detecting money laundering and terrorist financing and saving of private entities which cooperate with law enforcement agencies. The article deals also with links between money laundering and corruption and new legal construction - politically exposed person and solution which have to limit usage of political position for criminal purposes. Usage of these instruments are important challenge for all private entities and government but establishing these solutions is very difficult. What is more the article underlines the necessity of undertaking specific initiatives that will harmonize the praxis of money laundering detection in different countries, such as e.g. confiscation of property count to the group of key measures to combat money laundering and other serious offences, reconstruction the model of money laundering detection and evaluation of the FIUs activities.
EN
The aim of this article is to present a subject not widely known in Poland: the tool known as Integrity Testing that is in place in several countries of the world (including countries in Europe). It is used to fight corruption and irregularities in the functioning of public institutions and means the possibility of anti-corruption authorities creating a false corruption situation in order to verify an officer’s behaviour. The motives for the inception of the procedure, its assumptions and the basic conditions of use are presented,and the terminology used is also explained. It shows the positive, preventive aspects of the use of tests and the need for a professional approach to these on the part of the people implementing and performing them. For the purposes of this article the tests described have been divided into four main groups and the criteria adopted have been explained. A comparative analysis of integrity testing as used by institutions in the United States, Australia, Great Britain, Romania and the Czech Republic is also carried out, specifying the key differences between these systems, including how to implement procedures and the possible use of the results. Specific figures are given concerning the number of tests carried out in some countries and their effectiveness. The assumptions used in integrity tests are also compared to current similar solutions in the anti-corruption law operating in the Polish police (Article 19 of the Police Act). Also outlined are the main problems requiring a response before any possible start of work on the implementation of integrity tests in Poland. At the same time it is noted that in the years 2007–2008 the Polish Police worked on a similar legal solution, but ultimately this was not accepted. The article is based on the author’s personal knowledge and experience resulting in a highly pragmatic picture of the issues presented.
Prakseologia
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2014
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issue 155
295-324
EN
Corruption has become a major global problem. Proponents of the “good corruption” thesis believe that in certain conditions corruption can be conducive to economic and political development. To them, corruption is “grease” that lubricates the rigid wheels of the bureaucratic machine, and is a legitimate mechanizm of political inclusion of the excluded masses. Yet, empirical analysis of the positive functions of corruption in the Soviet Union, the United States of America and certain Asian countries revealed that corruption is first and foremost a symptom of political and economic system dysfunction. One can speak of the positive functions of corruption only in the context of the system’s serious malfunction concerning the fulfillment of the society’s expectations coupled with the lack of prospects for this system’s reform.
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EN
This study investigates the determinants of corruption in Ukrainian regions and applies spatial analysis to examine the relationship between corruption perception index and economic, political and cul- tural factors. The results of the study show that economic growth decreases corruption in the regions. The paper also challenges the existing academic studies, as it shows positive impact of the number of civil organizations in Ukrainian regions on corruption. The impli- cations of the empirical research are, therefore, a valuable asset to the existing literature on corruption. They indicate that dealing with cor- ruption in Ukraine requires consideration of the influence of region- specific corruption determinants.
EN
Corruption poses a serious threat to the internal security of the state as it destabilises social relations and has a deleterious effect on the political system, negatively affecting legislation and the economy in particular. Corruption, as a phenomenon which erodes social relations, also results in demoralisation and the slackening of morals in society, which is an important substrate of the state. As a multi-dimensional phenomenon, corruption poses a threat to social relations within states and to their internal security both in the broad sense – as a threat to the instruments of the state, and in the narrow sense – threatening the lives, health and property of citizens. Corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of the state, damages the political sphere, in particular in the case of unclear party financing rules and illicit lobbying. It also results in faulty laws and provisions being introduced (or not introduced) which favour the few. Corruption also involves destructive economic phenomena, especially in the case of large public projects and tax-related crimes. Morally, it constitutes treason. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and inefficient, and perverting the fundamental principles of democracy.
Human Affairs
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2013
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vol. 23
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issue 2
148-159
EN
Integrity ought logically to be a particularly important concept within political science. If those acting within the political system do not have integrity, our ability to trust them, to have confidence in their actions, and perhaps even to consider them legitimate can be challenged. Indeed, the very concept of integrity goes some way towards underwriting positive views of political actors. Yet, despite this importance, political science as a discipline has perhaps focused too little on questions of integrity. Where political science has looked at the subject of integrity, it has often done so without using the specific linguistic formulation “integrity”. Most commonly, the focus has instead been on “corruption”-a strand of research which has produced results that cannot always be translated into discussions of integrity, by virtue of its narrower focus upon the “negative pole” of public ethics. Other measures, such as “Quality of Government”, focus on positive attributes, notably impartiality, but this also fails fully to capture the notion of integrity: dishonesty can be impartial. Specific formal “codes” used within public life and among political practitioners can be much more nuanced than the most widely used measures, and can be much closer to what we understand-academically-as “integrity”. This paper argues that the hard conceptual and empirical work of elaborating integrity into a fully operationalizable concept offers the potential reward of an analytical concept that is more closely aligned with political reality.
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