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EN
This paper covers issues related to the principles of imposing penalties. Apart from their considerable practical significance, these directives are closely related to the theory and philosophy of punishment. The purpose of these comments is a simple indication of the assumptions underlying the principles of imposing penalties, including the way of their evolution in Polish criminal law since 1932. The choice of theme is justified by the importance, the true wealth of problems that occur here and the theoretical but also research interests of Professor Tomasz Kaczmarek. The author wants to emphasize that the evolution of the principles of imposing penalties from the first statutory regulations runs properly. A clear tendency in the Polish legislature was consolidation and expansion of these directives, which remain compatible with the new less repressive criminal and sanctions policy. The Penal Code currently in force provided also appropriate lower limits of penalties.
EN
Environmental protection represents a complex and one of the most discussed issues, currently under consideration within the legal framework. The author in this article focuses on the environmental protection via the instruments of substantive criminal law in the Slovak Republic and thus represents a detailed analysis of the current legal regulation contained in the Criminal Code, which concentrates these instruments into 13 criminal merits analysed in part II of the presented article. These instruments can be considered effective with regard to preserving as well as improving the environmental quality — through the punishment of perpetrators of the most serious acts breaching the rules of environmental protection, by which the ideal of criminal justice is achieved (or can be achieved).
EN
The paper investigates trials conducted against suicides by patrimonial courts in the Eggenberg/ Schwarzenberg and Czernin demesnes in South Bohemia in the pre-Enlightenment era (1675–1780). Primarily, it attempts to explain the gradual tendencies toward greater leniency over the period in question, and describes the strategies involved in this form of ‘decriminalization’, especially as regards broadening the exculpatory category of ‘melancholy/madness’. The paper also strives to analyze the attitudes of various social groups whose members were involved in the investigative proceedings and subsequent trials (town officials, patrimonial aristocracy, the appellate court in Prague, local clergy, the (arch)bishop’s consistory, but also the offender’s neighbors as witnesses), and demonstrate that the gradual decriminalization was a ‘vertical’ process which occurred from the top down: the patrimonial authorities tended to show the most leniency, whereas the offender’s neighbors were usually the most disapproving.
EN
The article is a result of file examination and attempts to characterise acts related to trading in influence and their criminal evaluation formulated by the courts of law in their final sentences. The empirical basis of the research are 123 criminal proceedings which resulted in valid sentences concerning passive and active trading in influence (articles 230 , and article 231 of Polish Criminal Code ). Analysed proceedings were from across the country and were decided between 1 January 2004 and 1 November 2006. The research investigated not only the court files but also public prosecution files. No files on cases discontinued or dismissed under articles providing for the indemnity of the perpetrator who informs of the crime (article 17 of Criminal Proceeding Code under article 230a of the CC) were included. The file material contained predominantly cases of passive trading in influence (article 230 of CC) consisting in, to put it simply, an obligation to take care of a matter in a public institution in return for a bribe or a promise to do so. 92 such cases were reported, 109 persons trading in influence were accused. As a result of court decisions, 78 persons were found guilty, 5 acquitted, one found partially guilty (cleared of one charge but guilty of another), and 8 cases were dismissed on conditions. Cases of active trading in influence (article 230a of CC), that is the practice of paying for someone’s influence, were much less frequent. The files included only 31 such cases, with 57 accused for paying for trading in influence. 28 cases resulted in convictions and three were dismissed on conditions. Acquittals did not occur in this group of cases. Two basic areas of study were assumed. First, a case analysis of a corruption deed of trading in influence allowed to obtain the information necessary for drafting a profile of typical perpetrators, to identify their approach (pleading guilty/not guilty) and for drafting a profile of the act of corruption itself. The latter included investigation of the means of corruption, the initiator of the corruption proposal, a catalogue of matters (contract, document, permission etc.) to be paid for, and institutions whose operation was to be interfered by trading in influence. Corruption act profile included also an attempt to investigate the promised influence (own, third parties’, actual, fictitious) and its source (family, friends, acquaintances, co-workers, other) which the passive perpetrators referred to and which the active perpetrators sought. Second, the study analysed application of provisions defining the features of the crime (articles 230 and 230a of CC). The analysis included the practice of applying the said provisions by the prosecution and the courts, as they were obliged to interpret a deed for the purpose of proceedings in legal terms and to qualify it according to provisions of law. Legitimacy of deed qualification was evaluated, particularly by the courts in their valid final verdicts.
EN
This report devoted to presenting the probation system in Poland together with the duties performed by probation officers is made up of two chapters. In the first chapter all primary legal acts regulating the institutions of the probation officers were discussed, also with the functions they perform in the system of criminal justice. In the second chapter, results of research conducted in all court districts in Poland in 2002 were presented. Both, the analysis of legal regulations, as well as the research, have been conducted after the implementation of the basic reform in Poland, yet there is still a lot to be done organisation wise, i.e. enlarging the number of probation officers, improving their essential preparation as well as implementing modem and effective forms of activity.       In the first chapter, where the legal bases of probation officers are discussed, the most important legal acts were mentioned first. Their number is quite substantial, since in the nine laws there are regulations concerning the socio-legal status and duties of probation officers. In order to indicate the most significant of them the following cannot be omitted:       The Penal Code of 1997 which regulated matters concerned with probation officers performing a number of supervisory forms (including probation);       The Executive Penal Code of 1997 by means of which piobation officers were given a rank of one of the important organs responsible for executing punishments and means of punishment. These tasks have been extended in order to grant the probation officers: executing the punishment of restriction of liberty and substitutive penalty ‒ community service, and also certain duties have been precised concerned with executing the punishment of deprivation of liberty and providing the post penitentiary help.        The law on the organisation of law courts (dated from 2001) in which only few articles are devoted to probation. They are, however, immensely important because they helped to precise this system, constituting that probation officers are an autonomous organ operating within the judiciary system, meaning by that regional and district courts, towards which presidents of the law courts and judges occupy supervisory and controlling positions. Simultaneously, the professional and social character of the probation officer has been confirmed in that law.       Another very important legal act is the law of 1982 on the procedures in juvenile cases (with later changes, especially with a very thorough amendment of 2000) which regulates the use of probation (family courts) in cases of defining the supervisory methods or reformative for the juveniles.       Amongst the discussed laws one, from 2001, about the probation officers is of a special significance. This law has almost a pioneer character. It has been created by the Polish Parliament from the initiative of probation officers and with their considerable participation. While enacted from the beginning of 2002, it has normalised in a complex way the socio-professional status of probation officers and precisely settled the location, organisation and the duties ofthe probation service in the judiciary system.         In this report laws and obligations of probation officers have been discussed, together with their calling and prospects for promotion, as well as competence connected with performing duties foreseen in the law of probation officers, and other laws, especially in the Penal Code, the Executive Penal Code, Code of Penal Procedure and in the Civil Code.        The bills conceming the probation service and the persons of probation officers, are an additional documentation to the executive acts, to the regulations and orders of the court. In example we can mention one of the most significant regulations, created by the Minister of Justice in 2003, in matter of a detailed executing of the authorities and obligations of probation officers.        In the second chapter the activity of probation officers in 2002 has been presented, in the light of the research results. They were conducted by sending a questionnaire to all 40 court regions (all together 150 questionnaires, part of which has been filled in in groups). It needs to be stressed at this point that amongst the questions none of the issues which could be called stressful were taken up. The research included 50 different issues, amongst which the following should be discussed: - kinds and number of performed interviews by the probation officers during the time of criminal proceedings and later of executing, - executing of measures to examine a convicted offender in case of conditional discontinuance of legal penal proceedings, a conditional suspension of penalty execution, a conditional release from serving the full sentence, - the content of adjudged and executed guardianship, in other words what is the character of probation officers’ contacts and work with persons under their ward, - ęxecuting of penalty of imprisonment and community service, - activity in the area of executing the penalty of imprisonment, - the difficulties in the work of probation officers, - opinions of probation officers concerned with cooperation with social workers as well as in reference to the significance of specific purposes of penalty.        It is difficurt to summarise the research results. Therefore, only for the purpose of a small illustration, the following conclusions can be  mentioned: - probation officers' opinion about their insufficient number (there is about 2000 professional probation officers for adults) in order to be effective in the assigned roles, - the legal system seems to have achieved a desired state, - supervisions performed by probation officers do not comply with all the obligatory (i.e.- caring - job finding); however, the controlling functions over the sentenced under supervision seem to be accepted as satisfactory.
EN
The victimological research and their results revealed myths about the alleged need of the crime victims to seek revenge on the offenders for the injustice suffered. On the contrary, they showed that a vast majority of victims is concerned more about obtaining quickly, ideally informally, moral and also material satisfaction. Therefore, in the last two decades of the 20th century, the efforts made by experts from the criminal policy area, practice and academic work sites grow stronger in order to find alternative ways / paradigm to traditional criminal reaction to a crime. This effort was channelled into a movement now known as the restorative justice that brought a visible success for the crime victims both at the level of adopting new legislative measures and providing practical assistance while solving and eliminating the consequences caused by a specific criminal act. Concurrently, it opened space for further research focussed on identification of a real contribution of the restorative procedures and programmes for the crime victims, including the risks of their potential 'abuse' for these purposes. Despite a number of more or less important reforms, the Czech Republic has failed as opposed to other post-communist countries (including Slovakia) to adopt a new criminal law until the present time. Therefore, the criminal law from 1961 was amended more than 50 times between 1989 until yet. Currently, a draft of the new criminal law is being discussed in the Parliament, however, everything points to the fact there is not a enough of political will for its adoption. Nevertheless, it would be interesting to mention some of the most important changes that the new law would bring from the criminal point of view. The new Code abandons the existing material and formal concept of the criminal act (degree of danger for society) and replaces it by a formal concept. Besides this substantial conceptual intervention, a series of other important changes are taking place in the area of the criminal liability, for example: a new categorising of criminal acts, new legal concepts of error in facts and error in law, introducing a new institute of gross negligence, a new definition of indirect offender, extremely dangerous recidivist, precision of definitions covering circumstances eliminating illegality of a act (extreme necessity, necessary self-defence, admissible risk, etc).
PL
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.   Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.
EN
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.
EN
In this article, criminality is presented as a social problem, which essence is determined by the social nature of the causes of this pathology and the need of application of social institutions, in order to solve it. Social policy is revealed as an important tool of eliminating the causes of crime, as well as the instrument of the penitentiary and postpenitentiary measures, which importance is growing strongly in the transition from the criminal justice to restorative justice. The article depicts specific forms of implementation of social policy in the fight against the causes of crime, the socialization of the punitive process, shaping of the sentence’s execution terms and the offender’s integration into society.
XX
W artykule przestępczość przedstawiona została jako problem społeczny, o istocie którego decyduje społeczny charakter przyczyn tej patologii oraz konieczność zastosowania instytucji społecznych do jego rozwiązywania. Jako ważne narzędzie likwidowania przyczyn przestępczości, a jednocześnie instrument działań penitencjarnych i pospenitencjarnych ukazana została polityka społeczna, której znaczenie zdecydowanie wzrasta w procesie przechodzenia od sprawiedliwości karnej do sprawiedliwości naprawczej. W artykule przedstawione zostały konkretne formy wykorzystania polityki społecznej w walce z przyczynami przestępczości oraz uspołecznieniem procesu wymierzania kary, kształtowaniem warunków wykonania kary oraz włączaniem sprawcy przestępstwa do społeczeństwa.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano samorząd miejski i sądownictwo miast Hetmanatu, po powstaniu Bohdana Chmielnickiego. Przeanalizowano zwłaszcza miejsce uprzywilejowanych miast tego terytorium w polityce hetmanów, a także carskiej i królewskiej administracji w pierwszych dekadach po powstaniu. Podjęto próbę określenia zasadniczych różnic w postępowaniu sądowym (głównie karnym) miast uprzywilejowanych i wszystkich innych (ratuszowych). Wskazano hierarchiczną strukturę, istniejących na Ukrainie, kozackich sądów miejskich oraz zasięg ich władzy. Przeanalizowano także skład sądów zajmujących się sprawami karnymi i opisano obowiązki urzędników sądowych. Autor stawia tezę, że dla rozpatrzenia spraw karnych w miasteczkach sotni, które teoretycznie przewidywały karę cielesną lub karę śmierci, konieczna była obecność przedstawicieli starszyzny pułkowej.
EN
The article analyzes the state of municipal government and the judiciary of the cities of the Hetmanate after the Khmelnytsky Uprising. Especially the place of privileged cities of this territory in the politics of hetmans, as well as of the tsarist and royal administration in the first decades after the uprising was analyzed. An attempt was made to determine the fundamental differences in court proceeding (mainly criminal) in privileged cities and all other (town hall). The hierarchical structure of Cossack municipal courts existing in Ukraine and the limits of their power were given. The composition of courts dealing with criminal matters was also analyzed and the duties of court officials were described. The Author puts forward a thesis that for consideration of criminal cases in the towns of the sotnia, which theoretically provided for corporal punishment or death penalty, the presence of representatives of the Cossack elders was necessary
RU
В статье анализируется муниципальное управление и судебная система городов Гетманатa, после восстания Богдана Хмельницкого. Особенно проанализировано место привилегированных городов этой территории в политике гетманов, а также королевской и царской администрации в первые десятилетия после восстания. Была предпринята попытка определить принципиальные различия в судебных процессах (в основном уголовных) в привилегированных городах и во всех других (ратуша). Указана иерархическая структура существующих в Украине казачьих муниципальных судов и степень их полномочий. Был также проанализирован состав судов, занимающихся уголовными делами, и были описаны обязанности судебных чиновников. Автор ставить тезис о том, что для рассмотрения уголовных дел в сотенных городах, которые теоретически предусматривали телесные наказания или смертную казнь, было необходимо присутствие представителей полковых старшин
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