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Prawo karne islamu w Europie?

100%
Gutkowska A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2010
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issue XXXII
403-412
EN
The article is concerned with selected rules of Islamic penal law. Such a discussion seems necessary (though naturally not sufficient) to attempt to answer the question about the best model of coexistence of sometimes drastically different cultural and normative systems in modern multicultural world. The choice of sharia is justified if we take into account that according to demographic data there are over 38 million of Muslim people living now in Europe. Without a doubt, such a situation may be a challenge because sharia explicitly states that observing laws in the country of residence (kanun) is a duty of every Muslim believer – however provided that the laws do not contradict sharia. There is one striking example of coexistence of different normative systems in Europe. The United Kingdom is the only European country so far which has decided to include Islamic laws in its legal system. Muslim citizens, if they are willing to, can decide property, inheritance, and family disputes in sharia courts and their decisions are recognised by the state. A conscious decision on integration of legal systems should rely on a deeper understanding of the legal system to be integrated into the current one. Understanding sharia requires, first of all, being aware that in the legal culture of Islam there is no division into secular and religious sphere. Hence, the common European perception of sharia as religious law must be considered a mistake. Sharia distinguishes two spheres: ibadat and mu’amalat. Ibadat, that is acts of faith, is the branch of law comprising religious duties of Muslim people. As a rule, breach of ibadat results with punishment in earthly life. Mu’amalat, that is transactions, contains provisions concerning interpersonal relations and protection of five basic human needs: life, religion, family life, property, feelings, and intellect. Yet, it cannot be said that ibadat is religious while mu’amalat is secular law. Together they form sharia and, what is more, they both contain penal provisions. In sharia, penal law is not a separate branch of law and both rules of penal law and sentence administration appear in both branches of sharia. Crime in Islamic law is always a detriment to the society as it infringes social order, God’s order, is a sacrilege (as it is a human infringement of divine rules), and a source of corruption for others. Classification of crimes in sharia is also entirely different from the western one. The basic criterion is the grounds for punishment and crimes are classified as punishable as hudud, kisas (or dijja), and ta’zir. Distinction between deeds punishable under Qur’an (hudud and kisas) and deeds punishable under customary law (ta’zir) is specific for Islamic law. While considering issues related to Islamic penal law, one cannot stop at the literal interpretation of sources of law.
2
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Znaczenie odmienności kulturowej sprawcy dla oceny stopnia społecznej szkodliwości czynu zabronionego

92%
Bek D.
Studia Prawnicze: rozprawy i materiały
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2014
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issue 1(14)
109-121
EN
Subject of the paper is contained in reflections on the cultural defense. The author tries to determine the importance of offender’s culture for assessing the degree of social noxiousness of his criminal act. The analysis is based on the Polish Criminal Code.
3
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ROLA CULTURAL DEFENCE W WYMIARZE SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI KARNEJ

80%
Kleczkowska A.
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
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2012
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vol. 74
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issue 2
71-84
EN
The phenomenon of multiculturalism has its reflection in the growing importance of the concept of ‘cultural defence’ which is present in criminal jurisdiction. It means that a court will take into account the defendant’s cultural roots that might have influenced his behaviour. The debate in a courtroom regarding such cultural arguments touches upon the dogmatic as well as practical issues. While deliberating matters in which the ‘cultural defence’ appears, courts should first and foremost rule if the defendant can refer to such motivation of his actions at all. Next, the court must decide how to account for the cultural factor: whether as the cause for insanity, error facti, or error concerning the ignorance of law, etc. Agreeing upon both the facts of the case and fair assessment of the action may be a difficult task under the present legal system. It is also important not to allow to use ‘cultural defence’ against women’s rights. Codifying crimes with cultural basis may turn out impossible to achieve. Therefore, when carrying out proceedings, organs of the administration of justice should remember about the cultural background of certain crimes.
PL
W związku ze zjawiskiem wielokulturowości coraz większe znaczenie zyskuje koncepcja cultural defence, czyli uwzględniania przez sąd kulturowych korzeni oskarżonego, które miały wpływ na popełnione przestępstwo. Debata, która toczy się nad takimi „kulturowymi argumentami” na sali sądowej, dotyka problemów zarówno dogmatycznych, jak i praktycznych. Sądy, rozpatrując sprawy, w których pojawia się cultural defence, muszą przede wszystkim rozstrzygnąć, czy oskarżony może w ogóle powołać się na taką motywację swoich czynów. W dalszej kolejności sąd powinien zdecydować, jak uwzględnić czynnik kulturowy: czy jako przyczynę niepoczytalności, błędu w zakresie nieświadomości czynu, błędu co do faktów i tak dalej. Pogodzenie stanu faktycznego sprawy i sprawiedliwej oceny czynu może w świetle obowiązującego prawa okazać się bardzo trudne. Ważne jest też, żeby nie pozwolić na korzystanie z cultural defence wbrew prawom kobiet. Skodyfikowanie przestępstw o podłożu kulturowym może okazać się niemożliwe do zrealizowania, dlatego to organy wymiaru sprawiedliwości powinny w toku stosowania prawa pamiętać o kulturowym tle przestępstw.
4
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Integracja-marginalizacja-kryminalizacja, czyli o przestępczości cudzoziemców w Polsce

70%
Klaus W.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2010
|
issue XXXII
81-155
EN
21st century is said to be the century of migration. Owing to the newest technologies people migrate easier and quicker. They also decide to change their place of residence more often – now not only within their countries but also outside it. Greater European integration and resulting increased facility in travelling within the EU facilitate this process. Yet, the most important cause of migration is the drive to improve living conditions. This is the main reason why foreigners from across the globe come to Europe – better life for them and their families. At present in the old EU countries migrants already constitute ten percent of society or even considerably more (according to UN data 14.1% in Spain, 13.1% in Germany, 10.7% in France, 10.4% in the UK), while in Poland this percentage is only 2.2% (although according to more credible OECD data, in 2008 it was as little as 0.2%). The number of foreigners legally residing in Poland permanently in 2009 was 92,500 (Office for Foreigners data), and the number of foreigners legally working in the country was almost 175,000 (Ministry of Labour and Social Policy data). One should also take into account a considerable number of foreigners residing in Poland illegally, estimated by researchers to be between 50 and 450 thousand. Moreover, the Border Guard data show an increase in the number of visitors to Poland – in 2009 7,2 million foreigners crossed Polish borders (which is a 5% increase compared to 2008). However, there are also threats related to migrations and they are of interest to sociologists and criminologists. Foreigners often remain on the margin of society and, as it happens in all marginalised social groups, some of them can turn to crime. Criminal activity of foreigners can be diverse, majority of it being common crimes committed against other foreigners. Organised crime crossing national borders is also a problem, particularly its most dangerous variety, human trafficking. Migrations involve also a clash of cultures which can lead to many previously unknown crimes (like e.g. honour murders, juvenile marriages, or reappearance of vendetta murders). Foreigners as “aliens” in the society often evoke fears, one of them being fear of serious crime – 2008 opinion poll by CBOS indicated that over 90% of Poles are afraid of such treat from foreigners. Yet fear of immigrants has much more in common with unrest and social instability brought by immigrant to the lives of residents than with actual risk of crime. It is worth to recall that one of first criminological studies carried out already in 1920s by Clifford Shaw indicated that crime is related to environment people live in, not to their race or nationality. Looking at the statistics, one may have an impression that [in Poland] there is no problem with foreign delinquency. Suspected foreigners in the peak moment in 2001 constituted 1.3% of all offenders and in 2008 only 0.41%.
5
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Dowód z kultury (cultural evidence)

70%
Koropczuk A.
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej
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2014
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vol. 2(9)
35-42
PL
This article concisely presents the question of cultural evidence and the way it is conducted on the basis of judicial proceedings. It also highlights the distinction in the manner cultural evidence is considered on the basis of common and continental law. The author assumes that modern society is a multicultural society. It is a society in which role models and patterns of conduct are only created within the contact and conflict of different cultures. Solutions proposed in the article refer to the cases based on the cultural defense, where the culture is treated as a factor determining the actions of individuals. Cultural evidence has to be – in the authors’ opinion – a mean to demonstrate the clearance of the individual to take action subjected to the proceeding. Hence, the author outlines the procedure in case of the necessity of conducting such evidence.
6
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Karać czy zapobiegać? Regulacja prawna problemu przemocy „honorowej” w wybranych krajach (regionach) Europy i Bliskiego Wschodu

58%
Ptak-Chmiel J.
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem
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2018
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vol. 10
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issue 3
75-95
EN
The problem of “honour”-related (or “honour”-based) violence is a phenomenon that crosses the boundaries of countries, cultures, and religions. This kind of violence usually tends to be associated with various countries and regions of the Middle East – Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Iraqi Kurdistan. In Europe, this issue appeared in public debates only at the beginning of the 21st century, limited to the context of migration. Such categorisation has resulted in the politicisation of “honour”-related violence, manifested in the strong dependence of actions taken by the state on such factors as the political line of the ruling party or public feeling. The aim of this article is to answer the question about the legal regulation of “honour”-related violence in selected countries of the Middle East and Europe: Lebanon, Jordan, Iraqi Kurdistan, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Germany. This will make it possible to identify the means and methods of combating this problem and indicate whether the context of migration determines the solutions applied in practice. The subject of the analysis will be the legal regulation and the judicial decisions, as well as the activity of various public and non-governmental institutions that are involved in the prevention of this problem. The results of the analysis lead to a reflection on the question as to whether criminal law is really the most effective instrument of solving the problem in question. The matter at issue fits into a wider context of the question of use of law-based instruments in order to achieve certain aims of public policies.
PL
Problem przemocy „honorowej" jest zjawiskiem przekraczającym granice państw, kultur i religii. Przemoc ta najczęściej bywa łączona z krajami i regionami Bliskiego Wschodu - Jordanią, Libanem, Palestyną, irackim Kurdystanem. W Europie oma- wiana kwestia pojawiła się w debacie publicznej dopiero na początku XXI w. i zo- stała ograniczona do kontekstu migracyjnego. Efektem takiej kategoryzacji przemocy „honorowej" jest polityzacja zjawiska, przejawiająca się w silnym uzależnieniu działań podejmowanych przez państwo od takich czynników, jak linia polityczna rządzącej partii czy nastroje społeczne. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, w jaki sposób uregulowano prawnie problem prze- mocy „honorowej" w wybranych krajach i regionach: Libanie, Jordanii, irackim Kurdystanie, Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii i w Niemczech. Umożliwi to identyfikację sposobów walki z tym problemem i wskazanie, czy kontekst migracyjny wpływa na zróżnicowanie stosowanych rozwiązań. Przedmiotem analizy będzie regulacja prawna, a także orzecznictwo sądów oraz działalność różnych instytucji rządowych oraz pozarządowych nakierowanych na walkę z tym problemem. Wyniki badań prowadzą do refleksji nad tym, czy prawo karne rzeczywiście jest najefektywniejszym instrumentem rozwiązania omawianego problemu. Badana problematyka wpisuje się w szerszy kontekst zagadnienia wykorzystywania narzędzi prawnych do osiągania określonych celów polityk publicznych.
7
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Culture defence a polskie prawo karne

50%
Sitarz O.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2008
|
issue XXIX-XXX
643-652
8
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La cultura del derecho europeo y el multiculturalismo. Desafíos para la democracia en el siglo XXI

47%
Breczko A., Breczko A.
IDEA. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych
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2015
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vol. 27
395-412
EN
The article deals with the legal implications of multiculturalism, in the context of globalization and the “clash of civilizations”. From a European-democratic perspective, we analyze several practical dilemmas – the consequence of a “collision” between diverse normative systems: their respective standards, views of morality, religion, costumes, among others. Confronting many different and, sometimes, competing values – inevitable in pluralistic societies – represents a huge challenge for government authorities and, particularly, lawmakers. The idea of multiculturalism which, until now, has been an inherent element of European legal systems, nowadays faces a serious crisis. In this context, there is an urgent need to implement appropriate policies and laws able to protect diverse cultural groups and to ensure efficient instruments, in order to eliminate the unwanted effects of multiculturalism, such as extremism and terrorism.
9
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Czy każda kultura zasługuje na obronę? Kilka wątpliwości dotyczących cultural defence i prawa karnego w dobie multikulturalizmu

47%
Dudek M.
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej
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2011
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vol. 2(3)
47-60
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie kilku wątpliwości dotyczących szeroko dyskutowanego zagadnienia tzw. obrony przez kulturę. Punktem odniesienia dla rozważań stanowi ideologia multikulturalizmu. Szczególną uwagę poświęca się próbie zrekonstruowania i przedstawienia prawdopodobnie nie do końca uświadamianych założeń leżących u podstaw strategii cultural defence, m.in. dotyczących rozumienia pojęcia kultury, czy etnocentryzmu „wojującego”, jakim zdaje się charakteryzować prawo karne. Ponadto, argumentuje się, że konsekwentne stosowanie aktualnie najpowszechniejszego ujęcia cultural defence prowadzi do zapewnienia mniejszej ochrony prawnej przedstawicielom mniejszości kulturowych. Uzasadnia to tezę, że często obrona przez kulturę dotknięta jest tzw. paradoksem multikulturowej wrażliwości. Rozważania wieńczy konkluzja, iż choć istnieją poważne argumenty za omawianą strategią, to jednak w jej obecnym, najpowszechniejszym kształcie jest ona naznaczona kilkoma istotnymi, wewnętrznymi sprzecznościami i być może właściwsze byłoby ograniczenie cultural defence do tzw. przestępstw bez ofiar.
EN
The aim of the article is to indicate some of the axiological problems faced by the legislator in the law-making process. They are clearly visible in those legal regulations that are introduced in response to crisis situations. The presented example – terrorist attack by hijacking a plane – is not only used to demonstrate dilemmas which in this situation must be settled by the legislator preparing relevant legal provisions, but it is also a pretext for enriching the discussion on the axiological aspect of the law. The article focuses on the so-called natural helplessness of law in axiological matters, law inflation and the problem of responsibility. The author concludes that issues indicated in the article cannot be solved in the light of current Constitutional Court’s judgements, which are treated as a reference point of the discussed issues.
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