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O sposobie prawniczej interpretacji stanu wojennego z 13 grudnia 1981 r. i jego następstw. Nie Carl Schmitt a Jerzy Stembrowicz

100%
Mażewski L.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2013
|
issue 4(117)
103-110
EN
In order to better understand the sense of proclamation of martial law in Poland (on 12/13 December 1981) and its consequences, Paweł Bała, a lawyer form Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities, proposes to draw on Carl Schmitt, a well-known German law theorist and constitutionalist. This concerns, in particular, the approach to this question from the perspective of Carl Schmitt and his decisionism. It must be said that neither Schmitt’s theory of decisionism, nor its relative concepts of dictatorship, can adequately help us to understand the sense of the decisions taken on that particular December night by the Council of State, and the events that took place thereafter in the People’s Republic of Poland. The author’s fi nal conclusion in his argument against Bała is as follows: it is Jerzy Stembrowicz, rather than Carl Schmitt, who should be a guide in our efforts to fi nd proper legal interpretation of the events relating to the proclamation of martial law in the People’s Republic of Poland. Nevertheless, the ideas of the German theorist also deserve attention, and may be inspiring.
2
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Filozofi a (teoria) prawa Carla Schmitta?

88%
Zajadło J.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2016
|
issue 4(135)
65-94
EN
The main aim of this article is to analyze the small work of Carl Schmitt “On the three types of juristic thought”, fi rst published in 1934. In the literature of the subject, the German scholar is known primarily as a political philosopher and creator of the original, although controversial, ideas and concepts, including: the nomos, the political, the friend and enemy relationship, a state of emergency, sovereignty and political theology. Not forgotten is also the support Schmitt gave the Nazi regime after Hitler came to power. In the fi rst two parts of the article, the author reviews, on the one hand, the current state of research on the thought of the German scholar and, on the other hand, presents his short biography and his achievements as a writer. All of this, however, is only the background for a general review and analysis of the origins and content of the work of Schmitt of 1934. The author emphasizes the unique character of that small volume book as compared to other works of the German scholar. In the book, Schmitt rather appears to us as a theorist and philosopher of law, who goes beyond a dispute between legal positivism and natural law, and proposes a particular mode of thinking based on legal institutions. His sources of inspiration include two of his contemporary authors, representing institutional theory of law, Maurice Harriou and Santi Romano. According to the author of the article, it is hard to claim on this basis that Schmitt developed his own theory and philosophy of law.
3
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Stan wojenny 13 grudnia 1981 r. jako zagadnienie prawa ustrojowego. Interpretacja decyzjonistyczna

88%
Bała P.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2013
|
issue 4(117)
83-102
EN
The article examines martial law period from a decisionistic perspective. Thus, the analysis would show introducing martial law in the People’s Republic of Poland in 1981 as a legitimised legal action. Such an interpretation, as opposed to the prevailing understanding of law, focuses on the volitional aspect and the need to preserve political and legal system of the State. Therefore, it assumes that the main principle of law is the will of the State, rather than formal-legal aspect of law.
4
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Stabilizowanie jako wymiar decydowania politycznego

63%
Perlikowski Ł.
Historia i Polityka
|
2022
|
issue 41 (48)
115-132
EN
The paper deals with issues related to the category of political stability. Main goal is to determine the semantic scope of the concept of stabilization in the field of political theory. The reasoning was based on Carl Schmitt’s concept of decisionism and on systems analysis. The text uses the original analytical division into the following cases: a) destabilization; b) stabilizing social norms; c) stabilizing legal norms; d) stabilization routine. The final result of the consideration is the distinction and definition of cases in which the process of political stabilization takes place. These findings are important for the study of political systems, their evolution, duration, and collapse.
PL
Tekst jest poświęcony problematyce związanej z kategorią stabilności politycznej. Celem głównym jest ustalenie zakresu semantycznego pojęcia stabilizowania na gruncie teorii polityki. Wywód został oparty na koncepcji decyzjonizmu Carla Schmitta oraz na analizie systemowej. W tekście zastosowano autorski podział analityczny na przypadki: a) destabilizacji; b) stabilizowania norm społecznych; c) stabilizowania norm prawnych; d) stabilizowania rutynowego. Efektem wywodu jest wyodrębnienie i zdefiniowanie sytuacji, w których występuje proces stabilizowania politycznego. Ustalenia te są istotne dla badania systemów politycznych, ich ewolucji, trwania i rozpadu.
5
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Glosa do idei republikanizmu

32%
Buchner W.
Horyzonty Polityki
|
2013
|
vol. 4
|
issue 7
135-155
EN
The article tries to understand the idea of republicanism in the contemporary political context. The author maintains that the classic republican idea, which materialized in the Roman Republic, is nowadays very far from the forms of political life which could be accepted by our republics. For this reason, the very qualification of the republic has been often abused without any reference to  its real history. In order to confirm this thesis, some examples of republican options are mentioned as being involved in the historical process. In conclusion, the democratic republics of our days are regarded as being destructive to the various forms of liberty because they are obliged to suffer the pressure of the bureaucracy and that of parliamentary democracy.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę zrozumienia idei republikanizmu we współczesnym kontekście politycznym. Autor stawia tezę, że klasyczna idea republikanizmu, ucieleśniona w Republice Rzymskiej, daleko odbiega od form, jakie przyjmują dzisiejsze republiki. Dlatego często nadużywa się samego określenia republiki bez odpowiedniego odniesienia do rzeczywistości historycznej. Na potwierdzenie tej tezy przytoczono przykłady republikańskich opcji, wskazując na ich historyczne uwikłania. Konkluzję wywodu stanowi teza, że dzisiejszerepubliki demokratyczne nie mają wiele wspólnego z instytucjami dawnej Republiki Rzymskiej, ponieważ ich przemożny demokratyzm niszczy znane niegdyś, zróżnicowane formy wolności, poddając je jednolitej presji biurokracji i parlamentaryzmu.
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