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Human Affairs
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2010
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vol. 20
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issue 1
66-76
EN
This paper surveys how the principles of the development of collective intelligence in on-line discussion and the consequences of the open source movement can influence the shape and recommended format of public deliberation processes. It raises the question of the conditions and factors which explain the difference in the quality of discussion results when technological issues are discussed and when values are discussed. It also raises the question of the importance of formats and types of facilitation which allow for deliberation to be structured towards achieving better productivity and the more effective participation of discussion participants.
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Współdecydowanie w polityce publicznej

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EN
The main aim of the article is to emphasize those reasons of the development barriers which are related to the shortcomings of deliberative co-decisional practices in public policy. The author assumes the culturally-institutional and functional methodological orientation and refers to examples of the Polish social dialogue, civil dialogue, lobbying, public hearing and social consultations.
EN
The reverted demographic pyramid makes youth a decreasing percentage of our increasingly ageing population, leaving youth groups with less power and chances to influence the future of public policies and services through established participation channels. There is a potential risk of losing the interests of broader, including less heard, youth groups in democratic decision-making and implementation. Research evidence shows that we need to broaden knowledge and accountability towards these groups by including them more in co-creation to secure their trust and meaningful policy impact. One major way to improve trust in the public sector is by enhancing the abilities of professionals, managers, politicians and NGOs to co-create public and individual values with youth groups for better services and solutions instead of acting and making decisions on their behalf. Also, cross-sector collaboration among institutional units or stakeholders from different sectors on a local scale is often required to enhance the value of services or local community decisions. This paper explores from a comparative perspective the local government’s readiness for enhanced democratic participation and co-creation of public services and public value with youth. Based on document studies, interviews and cross-sectoral learning dialogues between engaged researchers, public sector and NGO representatives conducted in three countries – Sweden, Finland, and Estonia – the paper illustrates the current perceptions of public professionals and managers regarding their approach to co-creation with youth and the public sector roles, readiness and perceived gaps. The paper distinguishes between the municipal ambitions of enhanced youth participation and co-creation.
Ethics in Progress
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2018
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vol. 9
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issue 1
25-43
EN
Most philosophers and psychologists assume that habitual acts do not ensue from deliberation, but are direct responses to the circumstances: habit essentially involves a variety of automaticity. My objective in this paper is to show that this view is unduly restrictive. A habit can explain an act in various ways. Pointing to the operation of automaticity is only one of them. I draw attention to the fact that acquired automaticity is one outgrowth of habituation that is relevant to explanation, but not the only one. Habituation shapes our emotional and motivational make up in ways that affect deliberation itself. Hence mentioning a habit might be indispensable in explaining an act which nevertheless ensues from deliberation. The view that habitual acts are direct responses to the circumstances implies an impoverished conception of habit, which fails to do justice to its rich explanatory potential in theoretical and pre-theoretical contexts, as well as to its role in the history of philosophy.
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EN
The second generation model of deliberation represented by I. M. Young, A. Gutmann, D. Thompson and J. S. Dryzek can serve as an effective tool for the institutionalization and establishment of the ethics of care. The ethics of care and the second generation model of deliberative democracy both recognize otherness and diversity and create a “policy of difference“ and a more inclusive, more substantial, notion of citizenship. They imply a conception of autonomy of the will that is based on the diversity and uniqueness of human experience. The first generation model of deliberation founded on reason, which implies sameness and universal citizenship, denies otherness and difference. Consequently, it cannot represent the foundation of the ethics of care. On the other hand, the third generation model of deliberation which emphasizes self-interest is contrary to the fundamental principles of deliberative democracy and is deeply flawed.
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Judgement calls: the ethics of educational deliberation

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EN
In all kinds of ways the idea of judgement has fallen under suspicion in recent times, and opportunities to exercise it have become fewer. It has suffered from being confused with judgmentalism, and from the assumption that it amounts to little more than subjective whim or preference. In the public services of the UK, and especially in education, it has been steadily eliminated by micromanagement and the insistence on tightly specified criteria, for example for assessment, and centrally detailed curricular schemes of work. The growth of neoliberalism, in which judgement becomes replaced by choice, has contributed to these developments. I argue that while the use of judgement does not constitute judgmentalism it cannot be practised in a moral vacuum, and that the exercise of moral judgement is more ubiquitous in our daily lives than is generally acknowledged. Finally I argue that opportunities for judgement and interpretation work to give our lives meaning, and that nderstandings of the nature of education that are implied by prevalent models of educational research, especially Randomised Controlled Trials and the insistence that educational research should be focused on discovering ‘what works’, further marginalise judgement and the making and discovery of meaning.
EN
A deliberative debate is a process of communication focused on finding good arguments for specific evaluations and solutions to the issues discussed, and addressing important stakeholder issues. The aim of the article is to present the course and results of observations made with regards to the theoretical and scientific discourse of deliberation that took place in September 2016. Participants were academic experts, thinkers and representatives of civil society organisations working in European affairs, as well as doctoral students and other activists. The questions concerned the way to understand the guiding motto of the meeting: More Europe and the way to define and to perceive the crisis in the process of European integration. Deliberation concerned the assessment of the model of European integration and the question whether the current formula is endorsed or contested. In addition, arguments on the best and worst effects of the integration process should be identified, who can challenge the integration process and for what reasons. The purpose of the deliberation was to assess the process of European integration, identify the ground for the criticism thereof, diagnose crisis situations and indicate the desired target model.
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Forum Debaty Publicznej

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EN
A crisis of contemporary democracy, long proclaimed by political analysts, and the growing discontent with its practice have given a stimulus for various remedial actions. One of these actions is the idea of deliberative democracy. Deliberative democracy is not only a multi-facet theoretical project (outlined briefly in the present article) but also a practice of promoting community participation and of introducing various, even non-standard, methods of participation. Such was the idea behind a presidential initiative in 2010 for setting up a platform for public discussion, Forum for Public Debate. The aims and objectives of the platform, its focus, underlying principles, as well as procedures in place and the results of what has been undertaken within its framework – they all show that the initiative is a clear manifestation of what is called deliberative democracy.
PL
The aim of this paper is to present institutions of public consultation as one of the forms citizens’ participation of in public administration. The author defines the concept of public consultation in the field of legal sciences, identifies the legal basis for the process of public consultation, describes the principles, stages and process of conducting public consultations in Poland. In the paper the dogmatic-legal method and the method of legal functionalism are used.
EN
Defining populism as a political articulation, rather than a specific ideology, Laclau has been one of the first scholars to show why the form and content of this phenomenon are strictly related. According to him, stylistic features such as vague, polarising and strong emotive discourse are not merely epiphenomenal elements of populism, which prove the irrationality of its ideology. They are constitutive elements of populism as they are necessary to create and maintain the division of society into two antagonistic blocs. Laclau’s theory of populism, however, has also been criticised for implicitly endorsing an authoritarian view of power. In this paper I argue that to better identify the source of the democratic deficit in such theory, we need to explore the combination of form and content it endorses. In order to do this I analyse Laclau’s account of the articulatory practices of populism, focusing on their rhetorical character in particular. My argument is that this account is democratically problematic, since being based on a merely formal understanding of rhetoric, inevitably reduces the rhetorical dimension of these practices to an instrumental and thus potentially manipulative logic. This logic presupposes and promotes a homogenised, passive, and unreflective idea of the “people”.
EN
In this article, I restate the interpretation of Aristotle’s Ph. 2.5, 196b17–21, which I presented for the first time in my book I fondamenti della causalità naturale (2006). According to my reading, both the things that are due to deliberation and those that are not (Arist. Ph. 196b17–18) fall within the group of beings which come to be not for the sake of anything (Arist. Ph. 196b17). In his recent book, Aristotle’s Concept of Chance (Albany 2012), John Dudley found my interpretation laudable and original but rejected it, opting for the traditional interpretation. As he did not provide sufficient reasons for this, I deem it appropriate to discuss more broadly and in greater detail my interpretation in order to demonstrate that it is correct theoretically, linguistically and grammatically. I also discuss a reading of Neoplatonic commentators which seems to me very useful: when commenting on Aristotle, they start with a very prejudicial interpretation which comes from Alexander and which probably determined all later interpretations of the passage. According to this interpretation, beings which come to be not for the sake of anything (Arist. Ph. 196b17) are beings that have no teleology of any kind. Yet this exegetic position faces a series of difficulties which can easily be solved if one assumes, as I do, that these beings have a certain end albeit not an intrinsic one.
IT
In this article, I restate the interpretation of Aristotle’s Ph. 2.5, 196b17– 21, which I presented for the first time in my book I fondamenti della causalità naturale (2006). According to my reading, both the things that are due to deliberation and those that are not (Arist. Ph. 196b17–18) fall within the group of beings which come to be not for the sake of anything (Arist. Ph. 196b17). In his recent book, Aristotle’s Concept of Chance (Albany 2012), John Dudley found my interpretation laudable and original but rejected it, opting for the traditional interpretation. As he did not provide sufficient reasons for this, I deem it appropriate to discuss more broadly and in greater detail my interpretation in order to demonstrate that it is correct theoretically, linguistically and grammatically. I also discuss a reading of Neoplatonic commentators which seems to me very useful: when commenting on Aristotle, they start with a very prejudicial interpretation which comes from Alexander and which probably determined all later interpretations of the passage. According to this interpretation, beings which come to be not for the sake of anything (Arist. Ph. 196b17) are beings that have no teleology of any kind. Yet this exegetic position faces a series of difficulties which can easily be solved if one assumes, as I do, that these beings have a certain end albeit not an intrinsic one.
EN
The paper outlines the method of political discourse analysis proposed by I. Fairclough & N. Fairclough (2012), who point to argumentative and deliberative nature of political discourse as practical reasoning that aims to decide a problem-solving action in a given situation. The novelty of this approach is explained through references to its established alternatives as focused on representation and power relations. The above mentioned method is applied to the British PM campaign candidacy speech by Andrea Leadsom to test how it works in the case of this type of political discourse which is different from the one originally examined. On this occasion, the meaning of the term ‘discourse’ is illustrated through the practical necessity of involving in the analyses the extra-linguistic and intertextual context.
EN
The article discusses the relationship between deliberative democracy and the institution of direct democracy, which is a referendum. The article presents a rhetorical analysis of the Senate debate (July 2018) on the request of President Andrzej Duda for a consultative referendum on the amendment of the Constitution. Based on the arguments used by the senators, the author presented the conditions of a more deliberative referendum.
EN
In his article the author deals with main principles of Jurgen Habermas theory of communicative action and - developed mainly on the grounds of mentioned theory - his conception of deliberative politics, being a component of discourse theory created by the German philosopher. Within discourse theory, Habermas formed the model of 'idel speech situation', within which participants of social communication processes - satisfyinf demands of 'rational' (according to Habermas) comminication, are able to exert influence on decisive processes on the national level.
EN
In Europe and across the world, many countries are turning to deliberative democracy to reform their constitutions, and in many others this question is high on the political agenda. Such transformation also shuffles quite radically the role of the citizenry regarding constitutional changes. Traditionally such changes are the sole responsibility of elected officials in collaboration with experts. With the deliberative turn, many more actors may be involved in the designing of constitutions, from citizens both individually and collectively in the forms of informal associations to various civil society organisations. The main aim of this paper is to analyse potential of deliberative democracy in Slovenian national setting, therefore authors are analysing a) framework of constitution making dynamics and b) most successful deliberative democratic tools and opportunities developed so far on both national and sub-national levels of the Slovenian government. As deliberative democracy is well known political phenomenon, we will start not by yet another theoretical pandemonium, but with less-known Slovenian contribution to the global development of deliberative model.
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Poznání jako klíčová hodnota Millova liberalismu

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EN
The author formulates the hypothesis that the key value which guides the reflections of John Stuart Mill about society is not freedom, as is traditionally assumed in connection with the liberal conception, but knowledge. The realisation of a free society is then shown to be one of the possible ways of achieving this value. On the basis of Rawls’ and Berlin’s interpretations of Mill, the author shows that Mill’s idea of a free society rests on a certain ground of value which is constituted by Mill’s conviction about the importance of knowledge. There follows a discussion of the aspects of Mill’s conception of society in which the problematic of knowledge seems to be more or less evident. The evidence is then bolstered by attention to an analysis of Mill’s thinking undertaken by John Skorupski and David Brink. The author also indicates that emphasising the connection between the value of knowledge and liberty in society may provide us with new perspectives when we seek an answer to the question of how, in practice, we can create a free society.
Studia BAS
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2015
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issue 3(43)
87-111
EN
The article discusses the issues related to the participatory Technology Assessment (pTA). The author highlights that in order to conduct pTA one not only needs to be convinced that there is a point in this activity, but also should have techniques and tools that convert ideas into effective social actions. The article reviews most important experiences with the application of different methods designed to take into account knowledge, perspectives and interests of a broader array of stakeholders or members of general public in the political discussion on potential employment of new technologies, such as consensus conferences, citizens juries, and scenario workshops. Strengths, weaknesses and expected outcomes of the chosen methods are characterized on the basis of specific examples described in academic and professional literature.
EN
This article discusses a project known as Tomorrow’s Europe deliberative poll®, whose participants consisted of inhabitants of the 27 Member State countries of the European Union. The first section of the article presents the stages of that interesting study and briefly describes its most important results. The second section discusses essential issues to potential organizers of such polls, and more importantly to interpreters of the research data. It focuses on issues such as: problems related to conducting deliberations in a multilingual environment; the acculturation of the research method itself; the possibilities for researching Europea public opinion; and benefits resulting from this type of study
PL
W artykule prezentuję sondaż deliberatywny® Tomorrow’s Europe, którego uczestnikami byli mieszkańcy 27 krajów-członków Unii Europejskiej. W pierwszej części artykułu przedstawiam etapy tego interesującego badania i pokrótce referuję jego najważniejsze rezultaty. Druga część poświęcona jest omówieniu kwestii istotnych dla potencjalnych organizatorów, a co ważniejsze interpretatorów otrzymanych rezultatów badań. Moja uwaga skupia się m.in. na: problemie związanym z prowadzeniem deliberacji w wielu językach, kwestii dotyczącej akulturacji samej metody badawczej, możliwościach zbadania europejskiej opinii publicznej oraz korzyściach wynikające z realizacji tego typu badań.
Human Affairs
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2008
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vol. 18
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issue 1
100-106
EN
The concept of deliberative democracy is presented within a wide spectrum of variety of its operationalizations. Since the applicability of the principle of deliberation to the functioning of human society is of the author's primary interest, dilemmas of deliberative democracy related to different problems associated with deliberation in practice are described in some detail. The key questions raised aiming at elucidating the "ontology" of deliberativeness are as follows: is it only a tool for solving the problems of society and politics? Is it a context within which other processes decide on the running of society? Or does it embody a goal of democracy?
PL
W artykule prezentujemy sondaż deliberatywny® – metodę badania opinii, stworzoną i opatentowaną przez Jamesa S. Fishkina. W pierwszej części opisujemy poszczególne etapy prowadzenia tego typu badań oraz prezentujemy sondaż, zrealizowany w Poznaniu w 2009 r. (jedyny przeprowadzony w Polsce), który dotyczył poglądów mieszkańców miasta na temat zarządzania stadionem po Mistrzostwach Europy w Piłce Nożnej EURO 2012. W drugiej części artykułu przedstawiamy wielowątkową metodologiczną analizę tej metody badawczej, wskazując na problemy związane z realizacją takiego badania, a także podkreślając zalety tego przedsięwzięcia, do których zaliczamy przede wszystkim aktywizowanie obywateli i włączanie ich w proces podejmowania decyzji.
EN
In this paper we presented deliberative polling® – the opinion research method created and patented by James S. Fishkin. In the first part of the article we focused on phases of conducting this type of research and presented the only one so far in Poland deliberative polling® which was organized in Poznań in 2009. The researchers were interested in the opinions of residents on the management of the stadium after EURO 2012. In the second part we analysed the research method from a variety of points of view, we highlighted some of the problems connected with organizing of this type of research, but we underline advantages of this research. The most important advantages included on: stimulating of citizens to act and contribute into the process of making decisions.
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