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Human Affairs
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2011
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vol. 21
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issue 1
52-61
EN
This paper sets out to examine political thinking in post-totalitarian Slovakia. Using the discourse theory and signification of Laclau and Mouffe, it considers the sign národ (a specific conception of the Slovak nation) in relation to democracy and the EU. Seeking to pinpoint political thinking amongst the general populace, it bases its analysis on an examination of newspaper articles on “Building the State” published in the 1990s. It traces the roots of the sign from the 1960s to the present day and predicts that the EU signifier will impact on the content of the floating signifier of národ.
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Стиль и дискурс

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EN
The páper provides a critical inlerpretation of too broad, nontermological and trendy use of discourse in the linguistics and stylistics. The author emphasizes that the concept of discourse cannot replace and displace the notion of style because they are completely different concepts. The páper maintains that it is in the best interest of both, discourse theory and the theory o f style, to determinate the elear dislinction between these two terms.
EN
The aim of this paper is to examine the emergence of the idea of the creative industries in a particular former socialist country – Estonia. Instead of regarding the creative industries as an economic sector, the article (re)conceptualises it as an ‘empty signifier’. The paper borrows its central theoretical concepts (hegemony, empty signifier, floating signifier) from post-Marxist discourse theory and employs them to explore the ways in which the creative industries are instituted within particular social, discursive or political struggles. The article proposes that Laclauian (or post-Marxist) discourse theory can raise some new fruitful methodological problems and challenging research directions among the researchers of the creative industries and cultural policy, especially in the Eastern European context.
EN
This article investigates one example of how affect is articulated in the self-cutting of words into the skin and how the meaning of this multimodal [statement is modified through remediation. According to Tomkins, affects are understood as intensities that are impossible to frame as feelings or emotions. A theoretical framework based on Laclau’s and Mouffe’s discourse theory and the multimodal categories developed by Kress and van Leeuwen is used. Photographs of self-cutting and statements from people who cut themselves are examined through content analyses. The results show that words that had been cut into the skin often referred to painful experiences, disgust directed against themselves, or social isolation. Further, the study shows that when the cut-in words are remediated through a photograph, digitalized and published online, other meanings appear. Inside internet communities for people who self-injure, the photographs were associated with a communal experience, identification and prescribed activity. The original self-oriented feelings about one’s shortcomings and isolation attached to self-cutting could be altered so that those connoted, instead, experiences of solidarity, identity and intimacy.
EN
This article discusses the character of hegemonic subjectification as it is seen by Ernesto Laclau. By explaining the concepts of the constitutive features and form of a hegemonically acquired political identity, such as antagonism, undecidability, overdetermination and decision, I define the social fields and dynamics of subjectification. At the same time, I adopt that such subjectification occurs within the boundaries of the particular (demand)–universal, i.e., the ideologically assigned view of identity as totality. Besides, in contrast to Laclau, I juxtapose the dialectically conceived form of the particular–universal relation with its poststructuralist Laclau’s version, and I try to prove that—contrary to Laclau—the idea of hegemony enjoys its vitality thanks to Theodor W. Adorno’s concept of negative dialectics. To determine the points of similarity of the two methods of constructing and deconstructing identity and subjectivity, I reject Elmar Flatschart’s incomparability argument. Lastly, I point out the earlier mentioned points of convergence: on Adorno’s part—the concept of proper names and the concept of constellation; on Laclau’s part—the concept of undecidability and decision which keep discourse ontologically and epistemologically open.
EN
The aim of following paper is to reconstruct the discussion concerning reflexive justification on the basis of philosophy and philosophy of law. At first, the presented proposition is a project of Immanuel Kant’s philosophy transformation, framed within the study of the philosophy of language and realized by K.-O. Apel and W. Kuhlmann. This analysis concerns both its construction and its relation to the theory of argumentation, using the concept of an ideal and unlimited communicative community. The next discussed issue is the pleas concerning this approach, formulated by J. Habermas from reconstructive perspective, which rejects the reflexive justification and, instead of the conditions of argumentation’s possibility, it examines conditions of possibility of communication as such. The analysis also concerns R. Alexy’s transcendentalpragmatic argument, which shows similarities between the reconstructive approach of J. Habermas and the reflexive justification theories of K.-O. Apel and W. Kuhlmann. In this paper, there are two streams of critique presented regarding this approach – the first concerning justification of general practical discourse’s rules, and the second concerning reception of discursive ethics in legal argumentation, a so-called Sonderfallthese. The critique of R. Alexy’s legal discourse may be interpreted as a theory searching for the difficult to accept third way between reflection and reconstruction.
PL
W ostatnich latach lawinowo rośnie liczba empirycznych badań nad populizmem. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza już istniejących badań nad populizmem korzystających z metod jakościowych, omówienie ich podstawowych kategorii oraz struktury badania, a także wskazanie na zalety oraz problemy każdego z omawianych podejść. Artykuł przedstawia trzy najbardziej wpływowe nurty jakościowych badań nad populizmem: analizę ideologii-podejście morfologiczne, teorię dyskursu oraz analizę historyczno-dyskursywną.
EN
In recent years, the amount of empirical research on populism has increased dramatically. The purpose of this text is to analyze these strands of existing research on populism which employ qualitative methods. Additionally, the paper discusses their basic categories and research design, and highlights the advantages and drawbacks of each of these approaches. The paper presents the three most influential trends in qualitative research on populism: ideology analysismorphological approach, discourse theory, and historical-discursive analysis.
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Explikativní zdůvodnění lidských práv

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EN
In my text, I will deal with the so-called explicative argument formulated by Robert Alexy. This argument shows that any attempt to intersubjectively justify the non-existence of human rights necessarily commits the so-called performative self-contradiction. But Alexy’s argument can be objected to: What if the human rights sceptic avoids discursive commitments? Alexy responds that an individual needs to make an existential decision that fully realizes his or her discursive potential. But the objection continues: What if he or she doesn’t make that decision? The issue can be addressed by analyzing the speech act of assertion. To assert A is to present A as true to anyone. A speech act that is not open to the universal community of all rational agents cannot be aimed at sharing objective facts. But this solution has limited applicability to moral discourse because it is burdened with the controversial metaethical assumption that there are universal and objective moral facts. This is a very serious limitation, because human rights sceptics are mainly recruited among moral subjectivists, relativists and nihilists. To overcome this limitation, I proposed the so-called ascriptive argument, which is more metaethically inclusive: An individual takes his own moral views seriously only if he also takes seriously the moral views of others. And the only effective way to mediate this interaction is through participation in moral discourse. Alexy’s explicative argument is only applicable against human rights sceptics who participate in the discourse. The ascriptive argument appropriately complements it because it is applicable against sceptics who avoid discourse. It is directed against discursive insulation, but at the same time can be sensitive to the social contexts of moral views.
CS
Ve svém textu se budu zabývat tzv. explikativním argumentem, který zformuloval Robert Alexy. Tento argument ukazuje, že každý pokus o intersubjektivní zdůvodnění neexistence lidských práv se nutně dopouští tzv. performativní kontradikce. Jenomže proti Alexyho argumentu lze vznést námitku: Co když se lidskoprávní skeptik vyhýbá diskurzivním závazkům? Alexy odpovídá, že jednotlivec musí udělat existenciální rozhodnutí, že plně realizuje svůj diskurzivní potenciál. Ale námitka pokračuje: Co když takové rozhodnutí neudělá? Problém lze řešit analýzou řečového aktu tvrzení. Tvrdit A znamená prezentovat A jako pravdu pro kohokoli. Tvrzení, které není otevřené k univerzální komunitě všech racionálních aktérů, nemůže být zaměřené na sdílení objektivních faktů. Jenomže toto řešení má omezenou použitelnost pro morální diskurz, protože je zatíženo nesamozřejmým metaetickým předpokladem, že existují univerzální a objektivní morální fakty. A to je velmi závažné omezení, protože lidskoprávní skeptici se rekrutují zejména mezi morálními subjektivisty, relativisty a nihilisty. K překonání tohoto omezení jsem navrhl tzv. askriptivní argument, který je více metaeticky inkluzivní: Jednotlivec bere své vlastní morální názory vážně jenom tehdy, když bere vážně také cizí morální názory. A jediný efektivní způsob, jak zprostředkovat tuto interakci, je participace na morálním diskurzu. Alexyho explikativní argument je použitelný jenom proti lidskoprávním skeptikům, kteří se účastní diskurzu. Askriptivní argument jej vhodně doplňuje, protože je použitelný proti skeptikům, kteří se vyhýbají diskurzu. Je namířený proti diskurzivní izolaci, ale přitom může být citlivý ke společenským kontextům morálních názorů.
PL
Gwałtowne zmiany społeczne i polityczne – rewolucje, ruchy masowe, procesy demokratyzacji – były flagowymi tematami socjologii historycznej w jej klasycznej postaci. Choć jej czołowi przedstawiciele – jak Charles Tilly czy Theda Skocpol – nie byli ślepi na zmiany w obrębie nauk humanistycznych i społecznych, tylko w niewielkim stopniu w swych późnych pracach uwzględnili reperkusje zwrotu kulturowego czy lingwistycznego dla swojej dyscypliny. Jednocześnie heterodoksyjne tradycje badawcze zorientowane na różnie pojęty dyskurs zwróciły się ku badaniom historycznym. Artykuł jest próbą przemyślenia podstawowych pytań stawianych przez klasyczną socjologię historyczną Tilly’ego w świetle zorientowanej na dyskurs korekty epistemologicznej, i przede wszystkim ontologicznej, w naukach społecznych. Tekst łączy cechy artykułu przeglądowego i przyczynku teoretycznego. Prezentuje dorobek rozproszonych, choć mających w sobie niemało do powiedzenia dyscyplin badawczych i proponuje możliwości ich wzajemnej integracji. Jest także próbą przemyślenia i rekonstrukcji zorientowanej na dyskurs socjologii historycznej.
EN
Turbulent social changes such as revolutions, mass movements or processes of democratization were major topics for the classical historical sociology. Its leading proponents such as Charles Tilly or Theda Skocpol were generally receptive towards paradigmatic shifts in social sciences and the humanities. However, their receptions of linguistic and cultural turn were limited if not flawed. This article attempts to rethink classical research questions of Tilly’s historical sociology from the perspective of discourse-oriented epistemological and ontological shift. The paper presents relevant insights from various research disciplines concerning discourse theory and historical discourse analysis and offers a way of their cross-fertilization. It is also an attempt to reconstruct and rearticulate historical sociology as a discourse oriented theoretical and methodological perspective.
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