Partnership creates a basis for relations and connections (including between states, cross-border and interregional), enabling the development of contacts and comprehensive economic and non-economic cooperation. This role is performed in its various forms and on a different basis. The article presents the partnership (including the economic one) that is being implemented between Poland and Russia, its scope, stages of development and the existing tariff, non- and par-tariff barriers in trade. The analysis shows that currently the Polish-Russian partnership is selective in nature and is subject to a high degree of uncertainty as a result of political decisions.
This article deals with the issue of the economic and trade relations between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1938. This article is a shortened version of the doctoral thesis defended in June 2016 at Department of History of the Masaryk University in Brno, and it focuses on the issue of trade relations and the overall development of the economic relations between the two countries. In this analysed period, the two countries were close allies and had developed intensive economic relations, and our goal is to thoroughly research the economic relations between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia as well as the interdependence of political and economic relations between the two countries.
Economic relations between Russia and China have been growing over the years. Of particular importance in Russia-China economic relations is the gas and oil trade. Russia has the world’s largest natural resources, while China is the world’s largest energy consumer. In 2014, an agreement was reached to build a new gas pipeline and increase gas exports to China. If the planned volume of gas can be exported to China on a stable basis, Russia will be able to supplement some of the economic sanctions imposed by the West. However, there is much uncertainty as to whether China can be a stable export destination for Russia. There is a significant gap in the trade scale between Russia and China and asymmetrical dependence in the relationship between them. In addition, international pipeline projects have substantial financial and time costs, and the two countries; intentions sometimes differ. The purpose of this research is to clarify the current state of trade interdependence between Russia and China and to study whether China can be a stable economic partner for Russia. This paper consists of three main parts, with an introduction and conclusions. The first part explains an overview of trade and asymmetric interdependence between Russia and China. It then analyses the anticipated benefits and vulnerabilities of increased Russian gas exports to China. The third section investigates the uncertainties of China as a gas importer in terms of China’s dependence on Russia.
The article deals with contemporary economic relations between Russia and Ukraine. It is said that Russia remains the main foreign trade partner of Ukraine. Adequate replacement of the Russian market of European market did not happen. But it is pointed out that for the first six months of 2015 60 percent of trade turnover with Ukraine were lost. The most sensible loss for Russian – Ukrainian gas market. Also according to the calculations of the Moscow World Trade Center many non-commodity exports fell. Examples are shown. It is also said that there are products whose export from Russia to Ukraine in the last year managed to increase. At the end it is stating what trade relations between Ukraine and Russia might be in 2016. Some examples of Russian investments in Ukrainian companies and Ukrainian into Russian are shown
There exists a rich and colorful tradition of economic sociology, which roughly began around the turn of the twentieth century and continues till today. This tradition has generated a number of helpful concepts and ideas as well as interesting research results, which this article seek to briefly present and set in perspective. Economic sociology has peaked twice since its birth: in 1890-1920, with the founders of sociology (who were all interested in and wrote on the economy), and today, from the early 1980s and onward. A small number of important works in economic sociology - by economists as well as sociologists - was produced during the time between these two periods, from 1920 to the mid-1980s.
The purpose of this article was to introduce the possible future relations between China and the United States of America under Donald Trump’s presidency. The paper is divided into five sections: economy, real challenges, trade policy and industry, diplomacy. Each of them is introducing key issues in terms of the main topic. The secondary point of this article was to show the gravity of change after United States of America election results in December 2016 and the impact of this event on American policy toward China. The main conclusion which arised from the article is: USA-China relations during upcoming decade are going to be eminently tensed that it was before. Trade policy, Taiwan, strategic rapprochement of the United States of America with such countries as India and Russia, as well as innovation race across many industries, will remain a point of contention. The future of Sino-US relations will probably depend mostly on the emerging administration of the 45th President of the United States of America.
The Polish-Danish diplomatic relations were officially established on 7 July 1945, when the Danish government acknowledged the Provisional Government of National Unity. The attempts to establish mutual relations started in June 1945, and the person who represented Poland was Jerzy Pański, the founder of the Association of Polish Patriots in Sweden and the representative of the information agency Polpress. Re-established Polish-Danish relations after WW II were dominated by economic contacts, because it was a difficult economic situation in both countries that made them start and continue the cooperation. In postwar Denmark there was a shortage of energy raw materials such as coal and coke, and the main trade partners of Denmark in the interwar period – Great Britain and Germany – were unable to satisfy the needs of Denmark. Danish politicians came up with an idea to obtain coal from Poland. Quite a few countries sought the delivery of coal at that time. Poland wanted to gain international recognition for its government, to reconstruct the country and to guarantee Poles deliveries of food. Agricultural and industrial articles constituted the basis of the Danish export. In the years 1945–1946 the first Polish-Danish trade contracts were made, which reestablished economic contacts, interrupted by the war. They outlined the direction of the cooperation for the next few years. The trade agreement of 29 August 1945 was a typical compensational contract – Poland exported coal and coke to Denmark, and in return Poland got butter, bacon, horses, cattle, seeds and fish. The total value of the turnover amounted to 54 million Danish crowns. The Polish-Danish trade and payment agreement of 7 October 1946 was more diversified , and the list of goods offered by both countries was more extensive. Poland saw to it that the list of products exported to Denmark was not so one-sided and based only on coal. Coal still constituted the basis of Polish export, but Denmark was interested in purchasing Polish zinc-plated sheet metal, glass and sanitary porcelain. The total value of the mutual exchange rose to 184 million Danish crowns. In the first postwar years Denmark was engaged in charity help for destroyed Poland. Danes gave food to children and the elderly, collected clothes, and what is most important they guaranteed medical help, thanks to which they won favour with Polish people.
The object of the present study is the development of economic relations between the USA and China and between the European Union and China in the first and at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. Attention is drawn to the growing activity of China on the international arena, as this country not only develops its trade exchange but also becomes one of the world’s major capital exporters and makes efforts to internationalize its currency. In effect we witness the emergence of a multipolar world, which marks the end of the one built on the transatlantic axis. Thus, the USA and the European Union face a qualitatively new challenge and increasingly engage in the whole area of the Pacific. It is also noted that the reasons of this Asian orientation are different. The EU seeks new possibilities of economic cooperation although both at the level of the community and the bilateral level many other various initiatives are realized. For the USA this involvement is not only a strictly political dimension but what seems far more important are the USA’s efforts to limit China’s sphere of influence built on the basis of a dynamically developing economic potential of this country. For this reason Chinese-European relations compared to Chinese-American ones seem to be more stable and do not comprise as many so deeply dividing contentious issues.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main goal of the article is to diagnose the current position of China in the international arena and to identify the strategic challenges that the government in Beijing will have to face within the currently implemented 13th Five -Year Plan. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND RESEARCH METHODS: Article has a descriptive and analytical nature. The purposes of this study required constructive criticism of literature and making an analysis of selected statistical data provided by international institutions. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The state of Chinese economy was presented, noting the gradual change of development model and implemented internal reforms. The next part includes the outline of the main international initiatives which are aimed at strengthening the political and economic position of the PRC. Then the strategic challenges for the PRC, which condition its further development were presented. The final part of this article includes a summary and conclusions. RESEARCH RESULTS: Firstly, the issue of economic relations built by China is strictly subordinated to the government policy, which is reflected in the 5-year plans, catalogues of preferred inward and outward foreign investment and the initiatives taken at international level. Secondly, the further pursuit of China to become a superpower will require profound changes, mostly related to the liberalization of investment policy, reforms of state-owned enterprises, further internationalization of RMB and demographic issues. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Despite the growing opinion among scientists, politicians and journalists, China is not yet holding the leading position in the political and economic world, although it should be noted the weakening role of the United States and EU in certain regions of the world.
On October 17, 2017, President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan paid an official visit to Warsaw upon the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda. The main subject of the talks was political, economic and cultural cooperation. Issues of security were also addressed. President Erdoğan had last visited Warsaw during the NATO summit on July 8–9, 2016. During the meeting in October, the two presidents signed five bilateral agreements. This paper provides an analysis of the effects of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit and prospects regarding the development of friendly relations between Poland and Turkey from Ankara’s perspective. In the paper we applied the test analysis method, the historical method and the institutional and legal one. We pose a thesis that the aim of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit was to identify mutual relations in the economic, political and cultural dimension. According to the Turkish government, these relations are beneficial for both sides. What should be particularly important for Poland is the prospect of opening new cooperation opportunities in the economic sphere. Turkey, in turn, apart from defining the broad framework of business cooperation, is undoubtedly determined to find a partner which could be its ally in the European Union.
This study examines bilateral economic relations between Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria in the period from 1918 to 1933, the year the first economic trade agreement was signed. The author concentrates mainly on agreements and trade relations – beginning with the first agreement from the year 1920, followed by the greatest benefits of the two countries’ reciprocal trade in 1925, and ending with the economic trade agreement of 1933. This study particularly focuses on the 1920s, and its main objective is to describe certain events in detail. It also demonstrates that in bilateral Czechoslovakian-Bulgarian trade relations, Bulgaria was not such an important trade partner for Czechoslovakia, but Czechoslovakia was very important for Bulgaria. This study is based on numerous literary and historical sources published in Bulgarian and Czech.
China’s involvement in Africa has become one of the contentious topics in the devel-opment literature. The background of the study is that china-African relations can be grouped into dual phases thus: past relations and contemporary relations. Those phases are dissimilar, as past relations are categorized by solidarity against imperial-ism, while contemporary relations are characterized by economic relations. The study used a historical approach to analyze China’s resurgence into Africa and Ethiopia, a case study is used to examine the contemporary china-African relations. Secondary data were utilized to come to sound conclusion of the study. The study mainly found out that China’s resurgence into Africa presents both negative and positive impacts for Africa and that the negatives need to be regulated in order for African countries to benefit from the relations. Role, China, Africa, development, economic relations, foreign investment Zaangażowanie Chin w Afryce stało się jednym z kontrowersyjnych tematów w literaturze rozwojowej. W tle badania jest to, że stosunki chińsko-afrykańskie mogą być pogrupowane w dwie fazy w następujący sposób: dawne stosunki i współczesne stosunki. Fazy te różnią się od siebie, ponieważ dawne stosunki są podzielone na solidarność z imperializmem, podczas gdy współczesne stosunki charakteryzują się stosunkami gospodarczymi. W badaniu wykorzystano historyczne podejście do analizy odrodzenia Chin w Afryce i Etiopii, studium przypadku jest wykorzystywane do zbadania współczesnych stosunków Chiny - Afryka. Wykorzystano dane wtórne, aby dojść do rzetelnego zakończenia badania. Badanie wykazało, że odrodzenie się Chin do Afryki ma zarówno negatywne, jak i pozytywne skutki dla Afryki, oraz że negatywy muszą być regulowane, aby kraje afrykańskie mogły korzystać z takich stosunków. Rola, Chiny, Afryka, rozwój, stosunki gospodarcze, inwestycje zagraniczne
After a few decades of transformation China is becoming a major contender for the number two position in the world. Is it really possible? Will China balance the power of the United States? Today the United States supremacy is so great that it seems to be undeniable. The situation was similar at the end of the twentieth century when U.S. domination was obvious and any other reality was hard to imagine. Recently though, more and more often America’s political decisions are criticised. A few decades ago, in Beijing a new idea was developed. The essence of that idea was to transform the People’s Republic of China into a superpower. Since China was very vast and densely populated, but mostly a poor and backward country, it was a very daring vision. Years of consistent and painful reforms changed the way the world is looking at China, even though some of them were not accepted by international opinion.
The article is focused on the political and economic relations between Poland and Great Britain in last three decades. In first part of the article it was introduced the evolution of the most important political events in bilateral relations and convergent and divergent matters relates to the business of both states before and after the obtainment by the Poland of the membership in NATO and the European Union. Asymmetry among both countries in the political and economic aspect was also underlined. In second part of the article, the attention was concentrated on the analysis of mutual economic relations, in this the growth of trade turnover, services and investments. Consequences for Poland connected with the exit of Great Britain from European Union become also approximate. Four principal conclusions were introduced in the end of the article.
Unia Europejska i Chiny odgrywają kluczową rolę w gospodarce światowej. Ich gospodarki należą do najbardziej zintegrowanych ze światem zewnętrznym. Przedmiotem opracowania jest analiza stosunków gospodarczych UE-Chiny z uwzględnieniem zmian zachodzących w gospodarce chińskiej i w warunkach nasilającego się protekcjonizmu w handlu światowym. Autorzy przedstawiają podstawy traktatowe współpracy gospodarczej UE i Chin, omawiają najnowsze tendencje w rozwoju potencjału gospodarczego Chin i w ich relacjach gospodarczych ze światem, analizują stosunki handlowe UE-Chiny oraz rolę bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych w relacjach ekonomicznych UE-Chiny.
EN
The European Union and China play a key role in the global economy. Their economies are among the most integrated with the global economy. The subject of the study is the analysis of EU-China economic relations in the light of changes taking place in the Chinese economy and increasing protectionism in the world trade. The authors present the treaty basis for EU and China economic cooperation, discuss the latest trends in the development of China's economic potential and China’s economic relations with the world, as well as analyze EU-China trade and investment relations.
The paper researches theory and methodology for development of state programmes for sustainable development. The focus is made on the distribution of powers and responsibilities for the implementation of environmental projects and schemes. Emphasis is put on specific life cycles analysis of the relationship between relevant environmental protection and economic institutions. Various aspects of regional sustainable development programmes both drafting and implementation are researched in the context of Ukraine alignment with the European Union. Problems of monitoring the effectiveness of such programmes at the regional level are considered.
The article, in first part, focuses on the dynamic development economic APEC with the regard of the most important economic indexes. Then, they are compared with the economic indexes of UE. Second part of the article focuses on the chosen aspects of the economic relations of the USA within APEC and with UE. The author underlines in this part the huge meaning of the American economy for her partners development, both Asiatic, how and European. Moreover, it clearly was stressed, that if UE develops economic relations intensively both with United States, how and states from the region of Asia and Pacific Ocean within ASEM, European Union will keep the status of one of the most important pillars of the world economy in the closest future.
Artykuł porusza kwestię stosunków gospodarczych Chiny–Ameryka Łacińska w tym stuleciu. W ciągu pierwszych dwóch dekad XXI wieku nastąpił znaczny wzrost handlu między Chinami i Ameryką Łacińską, a inwestycje Chin w Ameryce Łacińskiej wzrosły. Chociaż prezentowany tekst omawia kwestie współpracy gospodarczej, jego głównym celem nie jest jednak prezentacja dynamiki tych stosunków, ale refleksja nad szansami i zagrożeniami dla Ameryki Łacińskiej wynikającymi ze współpracy gospodarczej między Chinami i Ameryką Łacińską. Artykuł omawia zatem możliwości i zagrożenia w wielu aspektach, podając różne argumenty i liczne przykłady. Wnioski z tego artykułu dotyczą zarówno pojawiających się wyzwań, jak i perspektyw współpracy.
EN
This article raises the issue of China–Latin America economic relations in this century. During the first two decades of the 21st century, there has been a significant increase in trade between China and Latin America, and China’s investments in Latin America have increased. Although the presented text discusses the issues of economic cooperation, its primary objective, however, is not to present the dynamics of these relations, but to reflect on the chances and risks for Latin America resulting from economic cooperation between China and Latin America. The article thus discusses the area of opportunities and threats in numerous aspects, giving various arguments and numerous examples. The conclusions of the article refer both to emerging challenges and the prospects for cooperation.
The purpose of the article is to evaluate the economic relationships between China and the CEE countries in terms of infrastructure development and interconnections. The analysis applies to 16 CEE countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Montene-gro, Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slo-venia, and Hungary. The article discusses the aspects of dependence of the 16+1 initiative with the OBOR program, the achievements of the program, the perception of the coopera-tion through direct foreign investments in parti- cular CEE-16 countries. According to the Author, it is necessary to develop more effective mechanisms of cooperation with the use of established secretariats and other institutions and to expand bilateral cooperation of China with individual countries. It would also be beneficial to conduct joint research.
PL
Celem artykułu jest ocena relacji gospodarczych między Chinami a krajami EŚW w zakresie rozwoju infrastruktury i wzajemnych powiązań. Analiza dotyczy 16 krajów EŚW: Albanii, Bośni i Hercegowiny, Bułgarii, Chorwacji, Czarnogóry, Czech, Estonii, Litwy, Łotwy, Macedonii, Polski, Rumunii, Serbii, Słowacji, Słowenii i Węgier. Poruszone są aspekty zależności inicjatywy „16+1” z programem OBOR, dotychczasowych osiągnięć programu, postrzegania współpracy przez pryzmat bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych w poszczególnych państwach EŚW-16. Zdaniem autorki, konieczne jest wypracowanie bardziej efektywnych mechanizmów współpracy, z wykorzystaniem powołanych sekretariatów i innych instytucji oraz rozwój współpracy dwustronnej Chin z poszczególnymi krajami. Korzystne byłoby również prowadzenie wspólnych badań naukowych.
The subject of the analysis are the strategic conditions of Australian-Chinese economic relations in the second decade of the 21st century. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate these relations in the perspective of Australia's strategic priorities in the field of security and development. The article discusses the Australian-Chinese trade cooperation, the attitude of the Australian government towards the key international projects of President Xi Jinping, the direct investments of Chinese enterprises in Australia and other aspects of economic cooperation between states. These issues are analyzed in the context of economic security of Australia. The main thesis of the article is the statement that in the second decade of the XXI century, China is the main economic partner for Australia and in subsequent years, this situation should not change. Australian-Chinese economic relations are developing dynamically despite the increasing concerns of the Australian government and society about the sincerity of intentions in the policy of growing in strength Middle Kingdom. Canberra strengthens its economic cooperation with China despite rising tensions between Beijing and Washington, which is its ally. Australia wants to ease tensions in the Asia-Pacific region, because the stability of the region is particularly important from the point of view of its long-term economic development. However, Australia should further develop economic cooperation also with other partners, so as not to become economically dependent on China, which policy is not fully transparent.
PL
Przedmiotem analizy są strategiczne uwarunkowania australijsko-chińskich stosunków gospodarczych w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena tych stosunków w perspektywie strategicznych priorytetów Australii w zakresie bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju. W artykule omówiono australijsko-chińską współpracę handlową, postawę rządu Australii wobec kluczowych międzynarodowych projektów prezydenta Xi Jinpinga, inwestycje bezpośrednie chińskich przedsiębiorstw w Australii oraz inne aspekty współpracy gospodarczej między państwami. Zagadnienia te analizowane są w kontekście bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego Australii. Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku Chiny są dla Australii głównym partnerem gospodarczym i w kolejnych latach nie powinno dojść do zmiany tej sytuacji. Australijsko-chińskie stosunki gospodarcze dynamicznie się rozwijają mimo wzrastających obaw rządu i społeczeństwa Australii o szczerość intencji w polityce rosnącego w siłę Państwa Środka. Canberra zacieśnia współpracę gospodarczą z Chinami również mimo narastających napięć między Pekinem a Waszyngtonem, z którym związana jest sojuszem wojskowym. Australii zależy, aby zelżały napięcia w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku, ponieważ stabilność regionu jest szczególnie ważna z punktu widzenia jej długofalowego rozwoju gospodarczego. Australia powinna jednak w większym stopniu rozwijać współpracę gospodarczą również z innymi partnerami, aby nie uzależniać się ekonomicznie od Chin, których polityka nie jest w pełni transparentna.
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