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1

Społeczne postrzeganie metody door-to-door

100%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2016

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issue 12

181-198

EN

The present text discusses the opinions of the Poles on the method of conducting the election campaign, which consists in the election candidate or his/her representative directly visiting homes of voters (the door-to-door method). The objective of the study described in this article was to find out whether the door-to-door method is regarded by voters as helpful to the candidate in the election and to what extent the voters are inclined to receive at their homes the candidate conducting the election campaign.

2

" Moderní apoštolát našich zásad“ : Ženský tisk Československé strany lidové v Čechách v předvolebním období 1919 a 1920

80%

Fousková M.

Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)

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2016

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vol. 17

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issue 2

18-28

EN

The municipal elections of 1919 and the parliamentary/senate elections of 1920 gave women their first opportunity to exercise their new right to vote, and as such were important milestones in the forming of women’s new status as equal citizens. The paper analyses election campaigns aimed at female voters in selected periodicals published by the Czech Catholic People’s Party in 1919 and 1920: the newspaper Lid (The People) and the newly established magazine Žena (Woman). It explores the main topics and strategies of the campaign and identifies the underlying concepts of women’s political interests and motivations. The main focus is on the magazine Žena and its attempts to reconcile traditional Catholic femininity and the ‘separate spheres’ model with women’s newfound status as political actors and to create a picture of a new, politically active Catholic woman for its readership.

3

Volební kampaň a deklarovaná volební účast ve výzkumu veřejného mínění

80%

Tabery P., Šamanová G.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2012

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vol. 10

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issue 1

19-28

EN

This article examines the relationship between voter turnout (or, precisely, turnout intention) and variables related to the perception of the election campaign in the broader context of the other types of variables such as basic socio-demographic or political characteristics. The data used in this analysis are from surveys conducted during the period of three month before elections in 2010. All of the surveys were designed as public opinion polls and approximately 1000 Czech adults were interviewed nationwide at the beginning of each month. To explain the relationship between voter turnout (or rather a kind of readiness to vote) and the perception of the campaign, the binary logistic regression was chosen and three models were created. In relation to voter turnout, in addition to basic socio-demographic characteristics, the variables related to the perception of the election campaign are statistically significant, too. In the extended model, however, it is showed that behind the effects of most of them stands the rate of interest in politics. The only variable, which draws on a basis other than the interest in politics, proved to be awareness and acceptance of campaign influence on own voting behaviour. The frequency of consumption of media content proved to be more important than age, education and living standards. However, again behind these variables stands the interest in politics. Therefore, the interest in politics appears to be essential in relation to voter turnout in our analysis.

4

Językowe środki deprecjacji przeciwnika w debatach telewizyjnych między liderami partyjnymi

80%

Zając B.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

389-406

EN

The article raises the issue of rhetoric means used in Polish parliamentary campaigns, exemplified by the 2007 campaign. However only an extract of such electoral activities was taken into consideration, namely the televised debates between the party leaders. The basis of the analysis consists of three debates broadcasted in Polish Television between: Donald Tusk and Jarosław Kaczyński (12th October 2007), Donald Tusk and Aleksander Kwaśniewski (15th October 2007), Jarosław Kaczyński and Aleksander Kwaśniewski (7th October 2007). The author focused on the language operations carried out in order to depreciate the opponent in the context of the situation created by media debate. The most common acts of depreciation – both overt and concealable in many ways – their action mechanisms, as well as the defence methods against them were analyzled in the article.

5

Stosunek elektoratu do radiowych reklam wyborczych

80%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2014

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issue 8

51-60

EN

The surveys conducted in the autumn of 2013 show that most of those surveyed pay no attention to election advertisements aired on the radio. The greatest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are followers of the Left Democratic Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) – 74.4%. An equally large percentage of people who are not interested in radio election advertising was reported among those polled who declared they would not vote if the election for the Sejm was held next Sunday - 74%. Followers of the Your Movement [Twój Ruch] coalition and supporters of other parties than those named above also pay little attention to radio election advertising – in both categories this percentage is 68.4% each. Out of the Civic Platform [Platforma Obywatelska, PO] supporters as many as 67.3 % of those surveyed are not interested in radio election advertisements, while among the Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS] followers the percentage of those not interested in election advertisements on the radio is 65.8%. The lowest percentage (although also exceeding 60%) of people not paying attention to radio election advertisements was reported among supporters of the Polish People’s Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL] – 64%. Taking into account the results of surveys concerning ideological views, the highest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are those surveyed who define their views as left-wing – 76.7%. A slightly smaller percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements was reported among those surveyed who defined their views as centrist – 71.6%, while the percentage of those surveyed defining their views as right-wing and not interested in this type of advertising was 65.8%. Out of those who find it difficult to define their views the percentage of people not interested in radio election advertisements is 67.3%. The survey results also show that election advertisements aired on the radio do not have any effect on the voting decisions of the majority of those surveyed. This form of political communication has the smallest influence on the Democratic Left Alliance supporters – as many as 80 % of those polled and declaring themselves as followers of this party believe that radio election advertising has no effect on their voting decisions. The percentage of persons who believe that election advertisements on the radio do not influence their voting decisions is also high in the case of the other categories of those surveyed. In the case of the supporters of other parties than those mentioned, this percentage is 79.8%; for those who would not vote if the election was held on the nearest Sunday – 78,7%, while for the PO, PSL, PiS and Your Movement supporters: 77.8%, 72.1%, 71.4% and 73.6% respectively. In the case of the survey results regarding ideological views, the highest percentage of those surveyed who believe that radio election advertisements do not have any impact on their voting decisions was reported among persons who define their views as centrist – 82.2%, and not much lower among those defining their views as left-wing – 81.7%. The smallest percentage of those who believe that radio election advertisements do not influence their voting decisions was reported among the persons defining their views as right-wing – 74.6% and among those who find it difficult to define their views – 72.2%.

6

Primum non nocere? Rola kandydata na wiceprezydenta USA w prezydenckiej kampanii wyborczej

80%

Turek M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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issue 1(13)

267-289

EN

When more than a century ago Theodore Roosevelt was first vice presidential candidate to campaign actively for his ticket, it was more of his individual initiative than established tradition. But with the increasing power and prestige of the American vice presidency, which has changed the position of the executive branch in relation to Congress, and has reduced the role of parties in the electoral process, now means that running mates have become important members of presidential organization. They have crucial duties to perform during the campaign. The aim of the paper is to analyze these duties, and present the ways in which a vice presidential candidate can strengthen the standard bearer, and the ticket itself.

7

Internetowa reklama wyborcza a reklama w „starych” mediach w polskich kampaniach parlamentarnych w latach 2001‑2015

80%

Żurawski J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 48

277-298

EN

In this paper the author discusses the issues of popularity of electoral advertising in the “old” and “new” media. He proposes four theses about the use of such type of advertising in Poland. The issues discussed include: spending on campaign ads in the “old” media; spending on campaign ads on the Internet, spending on communication services other than advertising, determining the types of election campaigns (modern or post‑modern). The author discusses the financial reports submitted after each campaign by electoral committees to the National Electoral Commission and on this basis the research hypotheses are verified. In addition, the paper briefly describes the evolution of forms of political advertising on the Internet and television. The study makes it possible to formulate opinions about the direction of development of electioneering forms in Poland at the beginning of 21stcentury.

8

Przekaz polityczny oparty na wynikach ewaluacji. Analiza przykładu kampanii prezydenckiej w Polsce w 2015 roku

80%

Apolinarska-Pres D.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 15

23-41

EN

The main research problem of this article is whether the political message, that was addressed to voters in the presidential election from 2015, was based on the results of the evaluations or of the socio-economic researches were conducted by the research centers. The political views and slogans, which were presented by the candidates for the President of Poland during the campaign in 2015, were analyzed to answer the main research problem. The theoretical framework of the evaluation and the process of evaluation researches on the example of the managing authority of the operational program were described in the first part of this article. The European experience of utilization the evaluation results by the political class and the analysis of the presidential campaign from 2015 in reference of constructing political arguments with the results of the evaluation were presented in the second part. The author concludes that the results of the evaluation were marginally used during the campaign. The political arguments, that were used by candidates for the President of Poland, were mostly limited to recall simple figures, expert and public opinion, although in some cases the politics referenced to the results of the studies and reports. However, it is impossible to conclude if one of these studies was an evaluation research.

9

Poparcie kandydata przez lidera partii a decyzje wyborców. Badania elektoratu

80%

Łukasik-Turecka A.

Political Preferences

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2015

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issue 10

121-132

EN

Competition in the elections makes it necessary for the participants to seek different ways of standing out from the others. One of the ways is to utilize the rule of the authority. The mechanism of the irradiation technique causes positive feelings to radiate from a person well-known to and respected by an electorate onto a less well-known person but connected with the former even through having a photo together. The aim of the paper is to show what position those polled took on the issue of using the rule of the authority in the election campaigns in 2014. The results of surveys conducted in the autumn of 2014 clearly show which party electorates are prone to be influenced by this type of advertising, whether by being directly told by the party leader which candidate should be voted for, or by the candidate’s photo together with the party leader or chairman.

10

Siła celebrytów w kampanii wyborczej

80%

Olczyk T.

Political Preferences

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2015

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issue 10

147-157

EN

The article presents analysis of perceptions of electoral chances of celebrity candidates, and opinions about influence of celebrity endorsements on voters decisions among voters in the 2014 European Parliament elections and local elections in the same year in Poland.From 30% up to 50% of electorates of all except one party agree with the preposition that celebrities have bigger chances to win elections than traditional politicians. The only exception are voters of New Right of Janusz Korwin–Mikke. Up to 57% of electorates tend to agree with claims that celebrity endorsement have significant influence on voters decision. In this case neither party identification nor declared ideology is significant differentiator. These findings interpreted in terms of the low information rationality theory suggest that utilisation of celebrity in electoral campaings my serve as an important cue for a low information voters.

11

Poziom internetowej kultury politycznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości podczas kampanii parlamentarnej w 2011 roku

80%

Biskup B.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 26

109-131

EN

The article presents manners and styles of the political communication of Law and Justice party with their voters on the Internet. The analysis concerns communication of the whole party as well as of the chosen candidates. In this article ideological content as well as forms and styles of communication, and their coherence and expressiveness were scrutinized.

12

Wybrane czynniki wpływające na decyzje wyborców w elekcji parlamentarnej w 2011 roku

80%

Alberski R.

Political Preferences

|

2012

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issue 3

91-107

EN

This part of the report describes two problems, which were included in both questionnaires from 2010 and 2011. First issue asks about the time, when the voter made his decision for which political option he would vote for. Second problem concerns about factors, which determines for which candidate, he would choose. In 2010 we research this problem in reference to Local election. This time our questions refers to candidates in elections to Sejm and Senate. We wanted to verify the trends we observed in Local and Presidential elections in Parliamentary election. Obtained data in great part confirms conclusions from previous researches. Once again it turned out that majority voters was sure of their political preferences long before the voting, so they weren’t susceptible to electioneering. Another observation, which was confirm by the researches made in the end of 2011, relates to limited effectiveness of electioneering on voter. Our researches don’t show any greater differences in factors, by which voter made his decision for which candidate he vote for in Parliamentary election.

13

RUSSIAN SCIENTISTS ON THEORETICAL BASICS OF ELECTORAL SOCIOLOGY

80%

Shevtsov A.

Czech Journal of Social Sciences, Business and Economics

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 1

28-42

EN

This paper is dedicated to the opinions of Russian scientists on the theoretical basics of electoral sociology. It provides an overview of the main positions on the key issues of electoral sociology: practical orientation, categorical and conceptual framework, methodological approaches, typology and modelling of political elections in the specifics of Russia. The most typical texts relevant to the topic have been selected from a large number of scientific and academic works. We conclude that Russian researchers emphasize the importance of electoral sociology that is connected with the development of the institution of elections. Experience, which is effective in social and political practice, appears to be poorly applied in “post-communist societies”, including Russia. Traditional for foreign science the explanatory schemes are being dramatically and fundamentally processed in accordance with the specifics of Russia.

14

ANALIZA SONDAŻY PRZEPROWADZANYCH W OKRESIE KAMPANII WYBORCZEJ W ASPEKCIE ICH POWTARZALNOŚCI I WIARYGODNOŚCI

80%

Kretek H. A.

Eunomia – Rozwój Zrównoważony – Sustainable Development

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2018

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issue 2(95)

25-38

EN

The analysis was carried out in 2010 of research on political preferences of Poles presented by the media. The analysis of the survey before its publication was proposed through a set of 20 questions assessing the reliability of the conducted study. Looking from the perspective of the adopted method of analyzing opinion polls, it seems that it can and should accompany media representatives today.

15

Papierowa versus cyfrowa. Medialny obraz kampanii wyborczej w 2014 roku – na przykładzie „Gazety Krakowskiej”

80%

Nowina Konopka M.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2015

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vol. 6

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issue 15

117-131

EN

Taking into account the significance and participation of the press as a source of information, and due to the high level of media attraction of topics associated with the self-government elections, it is assumed that the election campaign to the voivodeship sejmik is an issue that is also frequently taken up both in regional press as well as websites. For the purpose of verifying this theory, 53 paper issues of the “Gazeta Krakowska”, as well as articles published in the information service of this newspaper, have been subjected to analysis. The research covered nine weeks of the autumn election campaign of the year 2014. The author’s intention regarding this work was also to establish the cultural elements of the statements analysed.

PL

Biorąc pod uwagę ważność oraz udział prasy jako źródła informacji oraz zważywszy na fakt wysokiego poziomu atrakcyjności medialnej tematów związanych z wyborami samorządowymi, zakłada się, iż kampania wyborcza do sejmiku wojewódzkiego jest tematem często podejmowanym zarówno w prasie regionalnej, jak i na jej portalach internetowych. Celem weryfikacji postawionej tezy analizie poddano 53 papierowe wydania „Gazety Krakowskiej” oraz artykuły publikowane na łamach serwisu informacyjnego tegoż tytułu. Badaniem objęto dziewięć tygodni jesiennej kampanii wyborczej w 2014 roku. Intencją autora badania było również ustalenie nacechowania analizowanych wypowiedzi. Słowa kluczowe: wybory samorządowe 2014, kampania wyborcza, „Gazeta Krakowska”, regionalny serwis informacyjny

16

Emmanuel Macron's 2017 and 2022 Presidential Campaigns: Selected Aspects

80%

Pruchnicka P.

Political Preferences

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2023

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vol. 31

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issue 1

31-46

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse Emmanuel Macron's 2017 and 2022 election campaigns. The first part of the article focuses on Macron's 2017 campaign, taking into account elements specific to election campaigns, such as election slogans, social media activity, the electoral programme, television debates, and describes the main themes of the election campaign, along with a discussion of the results of the first and second rounds of the election. An analogous analysis is then presented in relation to the 2022 election campaign. The issue of the war in Ukraine and its role for the campaign taking place at the same time is highlighted. The paper concludes by considering the differences noted in the two campaigns run by the leader of the En Marche!/ Renaissance.

17

Rola mediów społecznościowych w komunikacji partii politycznych i podejmowaniu decyzji wyborczych przez ich wyborców

80%

Bodys M.

Political Preferences

|

2016

|

issue 12

165-179

EN

The role of using of social media by the Polish political parties to communicate with internet users is still growing. Aricticle shows how voters are assessing credibility of political parties’ communication in social media and how they evaluate the impact of this communication on their decisions on election day. Article is based on polle results which was conducted after the parliamentary elections in 2015. The voter assessed communiation of political parties such as: Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Kukiz’15, Polisch People’s Party, United Left, .Modern, Together.

18

Dopuszczalność wydania przez posła broszury podsumowującej kadencję Sejmu oraz rozdawania gadżetów podczas trwającej kampanii wyborczej

80%

Gierach E.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2023

|

issue 4(80)

205-212

EN

In the author’s opinion, it is necessary to separate the sphere of exercising a Deputy’s mandate and the sphere of election campaigning. The key to determining to which of these spheres the publication of a brochure summarising the term of office of the Sejm belongs is the presence of contents of an evaluative nature in the brochure, which should be qualified as an element supporting its classification as canvassing. Regarding the distribution of gadgets, the author states that what is relevant is not the inclusion of data regarding the Deputy on the gadgets themselves, but the circumstances in which the gadgets are distributed, which may speak in favour of considering them as a form of canvassing.

19

Populist narration of the Freedom Party of Austria before the presidential election in 2016

70%

Miecznikowska J.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2016

|

vol. 2016 (42)(4)

88-100

EN

The election of the head of state in Austria in 2016 was in many ways a breakthrough and its course was surprising. Norbert Hofer, a right-wing populist candidate of the Freedom Party of Austria, made it to the second round of presidential election. Technical problems related to the organisation of the presidential election postponed the final decision until December 2016. The aim of this article is to present the main elements of the populist narrative propagated by the FPÖ during the election campaign. The party reached for a well-known arsenal of means, trying to convince voters to their candidate. It underlined the protection of national identity, the defence of the interests of Austria in the European Union, declarations of strengthening the position of president and the inclusion of the people in the governing through direct democracy. The populist rhetoric recurred as well to its permanent elements: criticism of the establishment and the conspiracy theory of the Austrian elite aiming to prevent or postpone the victory of a FPÖ candidate.

20

Walka na słowa – analiza sloganów wyborczych z kampanii do Sejmu i Senatu z 2019 roku

70%

Guziak A.

Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media

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2021

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vol. 7

|

issue 1

211-226

EN

In the paper Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 Albert Guziak conducted an analysis of the official slogans and selected secondary election catchwords used by political parties during the last election campaign to the Polish parliament in 2019. The collected material was examined from the political-linguistic perspective, according to which the author focused on linguistic aspects (used lexis, methods of argumentation, grammatical modifications made) and political science criteria for the evaluation of election slogans (taking into account the effectiveness of the message, assessing the placing of the usage use of election slogans into the context of the ideological profile of a given political group and from the perspective of the social economic reality accompanying the election campaign of 2019). The aim of the paper is to try to define the specificity of slogans used for persuasive purposes in one of the most important domains of political activity i.e. the election campaign. The first part of the title – “Battle for words” – of the chapter was consciously chosen by the author to emphasize the ‘militaristic’ and aggressive nature of the use of language in election campaigns. By selecting and analyzing authentic election slogans, the author wants to capture the most important elements and features that characterize election slogans; to this end, he confronts the collected linguistic material with theoretical studies on political slogans, e.g. Marek Koch's work: Slogany w reklamie i polityce (Slogans in advertising and politics), as well as the study: Język marketingu politycznego w kampanii wyborczej ’97 (The language of political marketing in the '97 election campaign) by Aneta Banasik.

Refine search results

Społeczne postrzeganie metody door-to-door

" Moderní apoštolát našich zásad“ : Ženský tisk Československé strany lidové v Čechách v předvolebním období 1919 a 1920

Volební kampaň a deklarovaná volební účast ve výzkumu veřejného mínění

Językowe środki deprecjacji przeciwnika w debatach telewizyjnych między liderami partyjnymi

Stosunek elektoratu do radiowych reklam wyborczych

Primum non nocere? Rola kandydata na wiceprezydenta USA w prezydenckiej kampanii wyborczej

Internetowa reklama wyborcza a reklama w „starych” mediach w polskich kampaniach parlamentarnych w latach 2001‑2015

Przekaz polityczny oparty na wynikach ewaluacji. Analiza przykładu kampanii prezydenckiej w Polsce w 2015 roku

Poparcie kandydata przez lidera partii a decyzje wyborców. Badania elektoratu