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Polityka reform systemów wyborczych w wyborach do rad gmin

100%
Sokół W.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2015
|
vol. 47
162-177
EN
In this article, I will focus on the evolution of the systems of elections to the commune councils in Poland. Between 1990 – 2014, seven elections to the commune councils were organized in Poland, conducted on the basis of four different voting systems. The most important alterations in the ordinations between 1990 and 2011 included: changing the category of entities qualifying for majority election system, modification of the dimension of the constituencies, changing the mode of distribution of seats, introducing electoral threshold, diminishing the number of councilors, implementing the procedure of “grouping list”. Analysis of changes in the electoral regulations leads to the conclusion that the elections to municipal councils have been politicized.
2
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Projekty reform amerykańskiego systemu wyborczego na szczeblu federalnym, stanowym i lokalnym

88%
Dziduszko-Rościszewska A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2015
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vol. 45
46-64
EN
The decentralized structure of the U.S. electoral system makes it impossible to speak about a single electoral system which operates in the United States covering about 16.000 elections that are held over a four-year period. States, responsible for holding elections at the state and local level, are trying to reform this system. A significant role in promoting and implementing these reforms is played by non-governmental organizations such as FairVote: The Center for Voting and Democracy, The League of Women Voters, and Common Cause. The purpose of this article is to present the proposed reforms of the U.S. electoral system at the federal, state and local level. The aim is to show the debate which takes place on the American political scene, on the issue of organizing more representative elections.
3
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Právo křičet : k oprávnění státu zasahovat do volební soutěže v judikatuře soudů

75%
Říha M.
Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)
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2016
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vol. 155
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issue 10
885-894
EN
This Article is dealing with reservations to freedom of expression in cases of regulation of electoral campaigns financing. The main issue here is the question of whether the state has competence to put ceiling on the amount of what an individual can contribute to candidates or to spend on his own campaign to promote a political party or particular candidate. Regarding the last effort of the Czech Government to control current deregulated situation, a lot of criticism derived from recent Supreme Court of United States case law where public interest is very limited. On the other hand, the European Court of Human Rights provided Contracting States with wide margin of appreciation when it comes to public interest on integral electoral process. Contrary to SCOTUS, the ECtHR recognized the right of States to prohibit third parties from campaigning when political parties are similarly excluded. Generally, activities of third parties other than political parties or candidates are growing and bypassing intention behind classical electoral legislation to secure transparent and accountable system of electoral campaigning.Nearly unlimited amount of money in politics as well as its unknown origins, endanger political pluralism and promotes fear of corruption. To conclude, under the regime of ECHR, states possess enough discretionary power to issue regulation of political activities of third parties to create obligation to disclose the identity of contracting authority of campaign advertisements and to regulate the amount of money involved in campaigning.
CS
Tento článek se zabývá omezením svobody projevu ve vztahu k regulaci financování volebních kampaní. Hlavním tématem je otázka, zda stát má pravomoc stanovit maximální hranici, kolik jednotlivec může přispět kandidátovi nebo kolik prostředků může sám použít na nezávislou propagaci politické strany nebo jednotlivého kandidáta.Ve směru k poslednímu pokusu české vlády změnit současný deregulovaný stav se objevila řada kritiky, která se odkazovala i na nedávná rozhodnutí amerického Nejvyššího soudu, který velmi omezil veřejný zájem na kontrole kampaní. Na druhé straně stojí Evropský soud pro lidská práva, který poskytl státům vysokou míru uvážení, když naopak veřejný zájem na funkčním volebním procesu uznal. Oproti Nejvyššímu soudu USA tak ESLP přiznal státům oprávnění omezit práva třetích stran vést volební kampaně, pokud jsou v daný okamžik obdobně omezeny i politické strany.Činnost třetích subjektů ve volebním procesu roste a vede k obcházení účelu volebního práva. Skoro neomezené množství prostředků v politice bez uvedení původu ohrožuje volební politický pluralismus a způsobuje hrozbu korupce. Závěrem článku je, že v systému Evropské úmluvy státy disponují oprávněním regulovat politickou činnost třetích stran, omezit množství financí ve volebním procesu i vynutit zveřejnění identity zadavatele politické reklamy.
4
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Zmiana systemu wyborczego jako problem badawczy

63%
Sokół W.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2021
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issue 5 (63)
19-29
EN
The aim of the article is to review the main research issues related to the analysis of changes in electoral systems. Since the nineties of the twentieth century, the issue has become a popular research. Based on the literature review, attention was drawn to research on entities involved in changes to electoral systems, the motivations underlying these decisions, awareness of the political consequences of participants into the effects of changes in electoral systems, factors shaping electoral reform processes.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przegląd głównych zagadnień badawczych związanych z analizą zmian systemów wyborczych. Począwszy od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. problematyka ta stała się bowiem popularnym tematem badawczym eksploatowanym w badaniach politologicznych i konstytucyjnych. W oparciu o przegląd literatury przedmiotu zwrócono uwagę na badania dotyczące podmiotów zaangażowanych w zmiany systemów wyborczych, motywacji leżących u podstaw tych decyzji, świadomości politycznych konsekwencji uczestników zmian, przekładania politycznych preferencji w efekty zmian systemów wyborczych, czynników kształtujących procesy reform wyborczych.
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