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PL
We confront Plato's understanding of equality in geometry with that of Euclid. We comment on Phaedo, 74b-c, Meno, 81e-85d and Elements, Book I. We distinguish between two meanings of equality, congruence and equality of the area, and show that in Plato equality means congruence. In Euclid, starting with the first definitions until Proposition I.34, equality means congruence. In the proof of Proposition I.35 equality gains a new meaning and two figures that are not congruent, and in this sense unequal, are considered to be equal. While Plato's geometry is based on self-evident facts, Euclid's geometry rests on deduction and the axioms that are by no means self-evident. However, the shift of meaning from congruence to equality of the area can be substantiated by reference to Euclid's axioms of equality. Finally, we present an ontological interpretation of the two attitudes to equality that we find in Plato's and Euclid's writings.
EN
The paper starts with focusing on three forms in which ‘Civil Ethics’ can be considered, accord-ing to whether we approach it from the minimum Ethics common to the citizens, or universal rights, or the ethical backbone of civil society. Subsequently, the paper examines historical rea-sons that account for the imposition of the above mentioned. Which would there be the most suitable one? If civil freedom and equality are to be ethical and metaphysical mainstays of democ-ratic values, the article shows the weakness of the first two approaches. As the third one is con-cerned, it seems to be fruitful insofar as democratic values are accompanied by civic virtues, which are the only ones that can make them effective. The article is concluded with an analysis of the virtues of responsibility, strength, and prudence with the particular connotation that they have in the realm of public life.
EN
The author presents constitutional and statutory provisions guaranteeing gender equality and the prohibition of gender discrimination. Promotion, dissemination and propagation of equal treat‑ ment issues, also in the field of gender equality, are the tasks of the Government’s Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment. Attention was paid to compliance with gender equality principles in, inter alia, education, labour law, public life, health care and business. The implementation of EU legislation in this area was analysed.
EN
In the opinion of the author, the implementation of the Directive, which will replace the currently binding Council Directive 2010/18/EU implementing the revised Framework Agreement on parental leave, should consist primarily in the implementation of those of its provisions which extend the existing parental leave rights of employees or introduce new rights. In essential part, this it is possible by amending certain provisions of the Labour Code Act.
PL
Autorka stawia tezę, że dążenie do równości, będące ogólnym wyznacznikiem współczesnego kształtowania stosunków społecznych, stanowiło i stanowi nadal jedną z głównych, a być może najistotniejszą, rację bytu i rozwoju prawa pracy jako odrębnej gałęzi prawa i jego ekspansji. Wskazuje, że w początkach prawa pracy instytucje prawne tworzące na pniu prawa cywilnego zrąb tej dziedziny obok zapewnienia bezpiecznych i higienicznych warunków pracy miały za zadanie usunięcie rozbieżności (dysonansu) pomiędzy równością w sensie formalnym (równorzędnością) a nierównością w sensie materialnym podmiotów stosunków prawnych związanych z wykonywaniem pracy podporządkowanej. Ich sens sprowadza się do ograniczenia zasady swobody umów do możliwości „negocjacji” warunków zatrudnienia tylko powyżej (nie niżej) niż wyznaczony prawem pracy standard. Autorka podkreśla również, że w ostatnich dekadach XX w. równościowy aspekt prawa pracy przeszedł jednak w drugą fazę. Cechą tej fazy jest akcentowanie potrzeby niwelacji nie tylko uprzywilejowania pracodawcy względem pracownika jako silniejszej strony stosunku pracy, ale także usunięcie nierówności pomiędzy samymi pracownikami w sprawach związanych ze stosunkiem pracy wynikających z odmiennego traktowania przez pracodawcę poszczególnych osób przez niego zatrudnianych. „Wyrównawcze” ograniczenie zasady swobody umów obecnie nie sprowadza się już jedynie do zakazu zatrudniania pracowników przez pracodawców poniżej standardów wyznaczonych semiimperatywnymi normami prawa pracy, lecz także do zakazu stosowania innego standardu zatrudnienia wobec jednych pracowników względem drugich bez uzasadnionej przyczyny. Według autorki aspekt równościowy stanowi także koło zamachowe kształtowania się nowej dziedziny prawa, którą określamy mianem prawa zatrudnienia, przez którego przedmiot na ogół rozumie się regulacje stosunków społecznych związanych ze świadczeniem pracy niepodporządkowanej. Istota prawa zatrudnienia, przynajmniej w obecnym, początkowym (kiełkującym) kształcie, w dużej mierze zasadza się jednak na uniformizacji (wyrównaniu) niektórych elementów ochrony osób zatrudnionych w ramach innych niż pracownicze stosunków świadczenia pracy ze standardami ochronnymi właściwymi prawu pracy.
EN
The author puts forward that the pursuit of equality, which is a general determinant of the contemporary shaping of social relations, has always constituted one of the main, and perhaps the most significant reason for the existence and development of labour law as a separate branch of law, and for its expansion. She points out that in the early days of labour law, the legal institutions forming the core of this field on the basis of civil law, in addition to ensuring safe and healthy working conditions, were aimed at removing the discrepancy (dissonance) between equality in the formal sense (equivalence) and inequality in the material sense of the subjects of legal relations in connection with the performance of subordinate work. Their sense boils down to the restriction of the principle of freedom of contract, so that "negotiation" of employment conditions can only take place above (not below) the standard set by the labour law. The author also stresses that in the last decades of the twentieth century, however, the equality aspect of labour law moved into a second phase. A feature of this phase is the accentuation of the need not only to level the privilege of the employer over the employee as the stronger party of the employment relationship, but also to remove inequalities between the employees themselves in matters related to the employment relationship resulting from different treatment by the employer of the individual persons employed by him or her. The "levelling" restriction of the principle of freedom of contract nowadays no longer involves only the prohibition of employers to emploi workers below the standards set by semi-imperative norms of labour law, but also entails the prohibition to apply different standards of employment to some workers than to others without a legitimate reason. According to the author, the equality aspect is also the flywheel of the formation of a new field of law, which we call employment law, whose subject matter is generally understood to be the regulation of social relations involving the provision of non-subordinate work. However, the essence of employment law, at least in its current, initial (germinating) form, is largely based on the uniformization (equalization) of certain elements of the protection of persons providing work on bases other than employment relationships with the protection standards inherent to labour law.
EN
In Israel’s legal system, equality is a fundamental principle. LGBT people in Israel suffer from discrimination due to their sexual orientation and their right to equality, parenting, and family life is impaired. Regarding the surrogacy procedure, the Supreme Court has unequivocally stated that the relevant laws discriminate against LGBT people and their fundamental rights when compared to heterosexual people. The main problem is that the statutes block the access to the surrogacy procedure of single men and male couples, harming their right to equality, right to a family life and parenting. The article suggests adopting the minority ruling of Justice Uzi Vogelman in HCJ 781/15 and declaring the nullity of the sections in the laws that discriminate against single men and male couples. This remedy is a lawful and operative solution for the inequality rooted in the surrogacy arrangements towards homosexuals that want to establish a family and become parents. The expectation from the legislature to amend the law is unrealistic, due to the political construction of the Israeli Knesset (parliament). An innovative approach for the amendment of the inequality towards LGBT people should be the nullity of the discriminating sections of the law.
EN
Egalitarian perspective seems to be an integral part of the theory of stereotypes. The link between the two is so tide that, due to various factors, it appears to be transparent. Yet there are still some crucial methodological issues in question such as: what types of stereotypes research models are the most suitable ones within the egalitarian perspective? Does the egalitarian perspective requires specifi c ethical attitudes and imperatives? Does the egalitarian perspective applies to any kind of social stereotypes? The authoress touches the subjects referring to both traditional and modern research perspectives.
EN
The paper presents the solutions applying to retirement in Poland that combine two systems: the capitalization system and repartition. Trying to answer the question of whether different retirement ages for men and women is discriminatory, the author refers to the adjudi- cation of the Supreme Court and public opinion. The paper also indicates that the practice of giving notice of employment termination to women with permanent employment contracts only because they have acquired the right to retirement benefit violates the Constitution of Poland.
EN
The Office of the Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment was established to strengthen the practice of egalitarian. While in Poland, the office has more than 30-yearold, its position and influence on legislation and social life are unsatisfactory. This is a consequence of the politicization of the office and giving the ideological context to its functioning. This is evidenced by the changing names and personal details. Until the Prime Minister decides who performs this function, the Office of the Plenipotentiary will remain as a part of the political game. This article is an attempt to approximate this problem by analyzing the changes that have occurred over three decades in the functioning of the Office.
PL
Urząd Pełnomocnika Rządu ds. Równego Traktowania został powołany w celu umacniania praktyki egalitarnej. Wprawdzie w Polsce urząd ten ma ponadtrzydziestoletnią historię, to jego pozycja i siła oddziaływania na prawodawstwo i życie społeczne – są niezadowalające. Jest to konsekwencją upolitycznienia urzędu i nadania jego funkcjonowaniu kontekstu ideologicznego. Świadczą o tym zmieniające się nazwy i personalia. Jedynie powołanie niezależnej pod względem politycznym, centralnej instytucji, która monitorowałaby kwestie związane z równouprawnieniem i jego naruszeniami, pozwoli na profesjonalizację urzędu. Dopóty, dopóki premier rządu decyduje o tym, kto sprawuje tę funkcję, urząd Pełnomocnika pozostanie elementem gry politycznej. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę przybliżenia tego problemu poprzez analizę zmian, jakie przez trzy dekady zachodziły w zakresie funkcjonowania urzędu.
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Left and Right-Libertarianism

88%
EN
In the paper I discuss theoretical differences between left and rightlibertarianism. (I will skip the specific and practical issues which differ left and rightlibertarians, including among others the minorities and immigration policies or affirmative action. I assume that practical solutions suggested by the followers of both positions stem from their theoretical assumptions.) I will focus on two issues which determine the fundamental difference between left and rightlibertarianism. These are property and equality. I compare standpoints of some leftlibertarians with the positions of rightlibertarians represented by Murray Rothbard, concerning property and equality. I conclude that the main and fundamental difference between leftand rightlibertarians concerns equality. Leftlibertarians are egalitarians whereas rightlibertarians are antiegalitarians. I also argue that egalitarian position is not compatible with the notion of full selfownership, which leftlibertarians advocate for.
EN
The issue of values is essential for Amartya Sen’s political philosophy, likewise for the early works of John Rawls. Considering the fundamental political value of social justice, Sen rejects the Rawlsian attitude because of the erroneous concept of human nature, adopted by him, which led him to a „blind” morality. He proposes a diff erent approach, referring to the notion of human capabilities on which his own theory of justice is based and he investigates it in the framework of political philosophy, which takes into account the qualitative dimension of human choices. Martha Nussbaum also builds her theory of justice on this notion, however, she derives it from the Aristotelian concept of man so that it takes on a deeper philosophical meaning. The aim of this paper is to compare and to assess both these concepts of justice, referring to human capabilities, as well as to shed some light on the new path of research in political philosophy opened by them.
EN
Sustainable development today not only creates the theoretical and methodological background for governance and management of all levels but also forces rethinking of traditional approaches to management and business development. Contemporary development is not limited by economic dimension anymore, the solving of classical economic ambiguity between efficiency and equity lied in the field of balancing of economic, environmental and social dimensions of social life. Modern approaches require rethinking traditional approaches to management and seeking the best practices for creating the new sustainable style of governance and management. Furthermore, the generality of sustainable development goals worked out by United Nation and formulated recommendations for strategic documents requires uniqueness of priorities and goals for the precise region. The paper gives an overview of the contemporary background, requirements, and challenges that arise before managers, politicians and other stakeholders in order to be effective and successful in modern economic life.
EN
The equality as factor of political orientation – The new scale development
EN
Any attempt to reaffirm equality as a fundamental democratic value faces two tasks: it must respond to social and cultural changes accompanying the most recent phase of capitalist development, and it must reactivate the original context of the democratic transformation that brought equality to prominence, in close conjunction with other aspects of an innovative vision. At the outset, equality was interpreted in terms of “a world of similar human beings, a society of autonomous individuals, and a community of citizens”. In this context, equality was closely linked to liberty, but their interconnections were also open to historical changes. Later developments – including the shift to a more organized kind of capitalism, two world wars and the rise of a temporarily successful rival version of modernity – led to significant upgradings of equality. But during the past half-century, the case for equality has been undermined by historical trends. Mutations of the capitalist economy, on the level of organization as well as production, and the disappearance of a really existing alternative, lent support to a new type of individualism. Drawing on Simmel’s distinction between the individualism of similarity and the individualism of distinction, the present phase can be interpreted as a radicalization and democratization of the individualism of distinction into an individualism of singularity. A social-liberal strategy, aiming at a reconciliation of liberty and equality, must take this new individualism on board and understand it as a social relationship, thus maintaining critical distance from neo-liberal ideology.
EN
This text is an attempt to subjectively consider of the issue of equality, on the topic of which Ryszard Borowicz in 1988 wrote a monograph entitled “Równość i sprawiedliwość społeczna” [Equality and Social Justice]. The author, referring to a historical and legal overview of the notion of the citizen, tries to suggest that it is the political system that determines the status of its citizens. What is more, it also determines not only their legal situation but also the scope of their subjective rights, freedoms and obligations. The general principles enshrined in the constitution are the means that the legislator uses to show the citizens which values he considers the most important and which are intended to guide social change. The main goal of the authors’ deliberations is to signal the need to continue research on equality, especially given that the notion of equality should be considered from a wider perspective, for example taking into account the change of the political and legal system.
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88%
Prakseologia
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2014
|
issue 156
283-295
EN
The objective of considerations is both to reach the understanding of inequality according to A.K. Sen and to pose a new query analogous to a heuristic question asked by this Indian author in his Inequality Reexamined: “quality of what?” By posing the question inequality of what?”, the author of this article attempts to demonstrate the importance of such a query for social policy, as well as its complementarity with Sen’s question “equality of what?”, pointing at the same time to specific examples of practical complexity of a process expected to eliminate social inequalities.
EN
Philosophical anthropology claims that every human being necessarily operates in specific communities. These communities must also be based on certain ethical principles. One of the principles forming this ethical foundation is the principle of social justice. The Polish Constitution of 1997 does not contain any legal definition of this principle and the doctrine has problems with defining it as well. In this connection, the Catholic Social Teaching, which combines the principle of social justice with human dignity, the common good, equality and solidarity, can be an important interpretative support.
Human Affairs
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2008
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vol. 18
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issue 1
23-36
EN
The accommodation of a plurality of values within the same institutional framework is one of the main challenges with which contemporary democracies have been persistently confronted. This challenge has recently gained strength even in such traditionally homogeneous countries as Italy, as a consequence of an increase in the number of residents committed to diverse religious beliefs. Against this backdrop, this paper focuses on the case of requests for the legal recognition of religion-specific holy/rest days in Italy. The analysis of such a case will disclose-or so we believe-some valuable pointers as to how democratic societies could try to accommodate religious diversity in a way that is both respectful of the specificities of each religious group and compatible with the typically liberal commitment to the safeguard of individual freedom.
EN
The aim of the article is to present recent fundamental changes in thinking about poetry. Authors of books published in the years 2010–2016 are much more aware of the political and social situation than those who were debuting right after the year 2000. They are also aware of the context of artistic creation and aesthetic criteria. They seek to redefine the production and distribution of poetic works and react (as their predecessors did) with resistance to social and political oppression.
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