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Approaches to Ergativity in Indo-Aryan

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Lingua Posnaniensis
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2009
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vol. 51
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issue 1
77-118
EN
The present paper aims at giving an overview of the basic theories pertaining to the emergence and development of ergativity in Indo-Aryan. It has usually been argued that ergativity could have been derived either from the passive or the originally PIE ergative construction. In addition to these two basic approaches to ergativity in IA, other perspectives are also taken into consideration here, namely the theory which is based on the pragmatic properties of OIA, and the hypothesis of the possible borrowing from the substratum languages. The existing models of the historical scenarios of the emergence of ergativity in IA, including their later mutations, are confronted with the hypothesis of the possible active typology of PIE. The active residues in OIA and its continuants might prove that ergativity arose due to the transition from the PIE active to the nominative stage attested in the daughter languages.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2010
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vol. 52
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issue 1
81-97
EN
It was noted very early (Kellog 1972 [1875]; Grierson 2005 [1916], vol. IX, part IV: 103-107) that Rajastahani and Pahari dialects displayed many morphological affinities. However languages belonging to both groups show different treatment of non-nominative subjects in ergative and obligatory constructions. Western Rajasthani is an example of constant drift towards nominativity and disappearance of the oblique subject marking in the ergative domain (cf. Khokhlova 2001; 2006). Eastern Rajasthani reinforces the A and O contrast by introducing the ne postposition which serves as a dative marker as well. Pahari dialects on the other hand consistently mark A of the transitive sentence with the le postposition which is also employed as an instrumental marker. Those dative and instrumental markers are also used in the obligatory constructions. Both types of markers are of recent origin but the ergative and obligatory patterns can be observed throughout the history of the IA languages. In Rajasthani and Pahari one can see two divergent morphological developments which have resulted in attrition and reinforcement of ergativity respectively. The situation seems to be more complex if we take into consideration specific developments in verbal agreement in Rajasthani and the maintenance of unmarked pronominal O in Kumauni (cf. Sharma 1987) in ergative construction and the reinterpretation of the obligatory construction as future tense in Kumauni and Garhwali.The present paper argues that despite the recent origin of case marking in IA languages they do share certain structural properties which are traceable historically. Introduction of new markers has served only to maintain structural pattern continuum. The employment of the ergative postposition with intransitive verbs (e.g. cough, laugh) (cf. Montaut 2004) and its implementation in the obligatory construction can be perceived as an attempt to rebuild the system which goes back neither to the ergative nor to accusative (cf. Klimov 1983; Lehmann 1995; Bauer 2000).
3
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Proto-Indo-European Ergativity… Still to be Discussed

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EN
Since Uhlenbeck's seminal article ("Agens und Patiens im Kasussystem der indogermanischen Sprachen", 1901) many scholars have accepted the hypothesis of an ergative case in Proto-Indo-European (PIE) given the light it could shed on obscure facts discovered by the comparatist school inside the IE family. The Soviet linguistic school has been particularly active on ergativity in relation with their interests for living languages of the Caucasus and for ancient languages of the Middle East. More recent works on ergativity have shifted the focus to Australian languages. When the theory of language universals took ergativity into consideration, scholars began to seek an explanation of the so-called "split ergativity" in relation with Silverstein's animacy hierarchy. A sequel of this was that the kind of split ergativity demonstrated by PIE seemed contrary to the accepted universals and, consequently, discarded. This paper challenges the way language universals have been used to refute the PIE ergativity hypothesis. Indeed, the influence of the animacy hierarchy is known to be effective in many languages, but more as a tendency than as an absolute universal. Also, PIE is not a fully-fledged language, but rather a field of experimentation. I also present the viewpoint that PIE could have had no split at all, but solely a semantic impossibility to use inanimate noun phrases in an agent role, which seemed backed up by similar "embarrassments" in modern languages and by the so-called "Hittite ergative".
EN
In spite of the scarce number of papers Coseriu dedicated to problems of functional syntax (Coseriu 1979, 1989), they fully agree with his general conception of semantics, especially grammatical semantics, and Wilhelm von Humboldt‘s notion of "interior linguistic shape". In this paper, Coseriu‘s principles of functional syntax are discussed with regard to publications on ergativity. It is argued that ergative languages are not, first of all, characterized by a specific case marking on nouns, but by a specific behavior of the verb and verbal categories such as voice. Phenomena of syntactical swift in Tupi-Guarani languages will also be described. First and second person pronominal objects in transitive verbal constructions are not allowed. Nominalized existential clauses are used instead.
5
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Evolution of ergativity in the Western Hindi

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EN
Alexander A. Sigorskiy. Evolution of ergativity in the Western Hindi. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of Arts and Sciences, PL ISSN 0079-4740, pp. 41-58 The early stage of the Western Hindi vernaculars demonstrates two types of typology competing with each other - Nominative typology and Split Ergative typology. Ergative typology includes a number of ergative strategies existing in different vernaculars and in the one and the same vernacular as well. In the course of standardization of Modern Standard Hindi (MSH) Split Ergative Typology wins. The main features of Old Hindi case system are: 1) Old Hindi demonstrates the same, dative case marking both for Subject (Agent) and Object (Patient), whereas MSH has differentiated these case markers, 2) Old Hindi has two types of agreement - (a) only with unmarked S/O and (b) both with unmarked and marked S/O, while MSH allows only the first one.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2015
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vol. 57
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issue 2
63-76
EN
Boris Zakharyin. Indo-Aryan ergativity and its analogues in languages of Central and Western Eurasia. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of Arts and Sciences, PL ISSN 0079-4740, pp. 63-75 Ergativity, being a typologically significant feature, serves as basis for a bunch of genetically and structurally different languages of Eurasia. The paper suggests the bird’s eye view of its manifestation in the selected samples of Indo-Iranian, Tibeto-Burman, Caucasian and Euskara (the Basque language of Spain). The provided analysis allows to assume that split ergativity displayed by certain Indo-Iranian languages is of the same (participial) origin and partially may have also been influenced by contact-factors. Consistent ergativity characterizing the majority of the Caucasian languages and Euskara is a phenomenon of semo-syntactic nature realizing itself on all the grammatical levels.
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