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US president’s inauguration ceremonial as a factor in intercultural communication

100%
Zakharova O.
Reality of Politics
|
2020
|
issue 12
114-124
EN
The article considers the history and development of the inauguration ceremonies of US presidents. Their role in legitimizing power and their influence on creating the image of the state is evaluated. The very specificity of the inauguration as a social phenomenon makes this ceremonial action a kind of illustration of the cultural condition, mores and tastes of society, national characteristics, becoming a symbolic characteristic of hierarchical differences. Its norms reflect not only ideology, but also the social psychology of society, without an adequate interpretation of which it is impossible to correctly understand the behavior of statesmen in specific situations related to their social status. State civil and military ceremonies, being, as a rule, striking events in the life of the state, have symbolic meaning. They establish a balance between their immediate participants and the highest environment, testify to the stability/instability within the ruling elite. Modern ceremonials of the inauguration of world presidents are politics, prestige, and the image of the government in power.
2
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The Regulatory Framework of the Soviet Diplomatic Protocol. History of Formation

86%
Zakharova O.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
|
2020
|
vol. 2(26)
150-163
EN
The concept of “diplomacy” combines the foreign policy activities of state leaders and supreme authorities. At various stages of the development of society the methods and means of diplomacy changed. In the Middle Ages the protocol is the rules of paperwork and archiving. Subsequently ceremonial issues began to be attributed to the diplomatic protocol. Currently the diplomatic protocol is a set of generally accepted norms, traditions and conventions that are observed in international communication. The purpose of the study is to analyze the evolution of the Soviet protocol as an instrument of the state’s foreign policy based on the analysis of regulatory documents. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the author considers the diplomatic legal culture as a component of the image of the state, in which ideology influenced all aspects of society, including the rules of communication between a Soviet citizen and foreign partners. It was revealed that the employees of the Protocol Department of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (PCFA), and primarily its head D.T. Florinsky (repressed in 1934) and V.N. Barkov (repressed in 1941, rehabilitated in 1958), were able to “reconcile”, as evidenced by regulatory documents, the European diplomatic protocol with the norms of Soviet ideology. Through its work the Protocol Department tried to destroy the idea of the USSR as an “empire of evil”; it was part of the positive image of the USSR, like the Bolshoi Theater, Soviet sports and Russian literature. As an actor in world politics the Soviet Union could not but accept the main provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Ignoring the international norms of the protocol is a denial of equality, sovereignty, territorial integrity of the state, and as a result, loss of reputation in the eyes of the world community.
3
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Pomiędzy izolacjonizmem i globalizacją z chińską charakterystyką: stosunki USA–ChRL w pierwszym roku prezydentury Donalda Trumpa

72%
Kowalski B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2019
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vol. 61
23-38
EN
American-Chinese relations in the first year of Donald Trump’s presidency were characterized by a fundamental reevaluation of Washington’s policy towards Beijing. The protectionist slogan “America First”, clearly contrasted with the attempts of the People’s Republic of China to put forward its own global narrative of economic openness, and the US’s withdrawal from multilateral agreements were counterbalanced by the Chinese authorities putting forward their own multilateral projects. In comparison with the presidency of Barack Obama, who advocated the “pivot to Asia”, the first twelve months of Trump’s tenure in the White House were characterized by a fundamental change of priorities in foreign policy towards China, based on confrontational rhetoric and growing assertiveness of the economic agenda.
PL
Stosunki amerykańsko-chińskie w pierwszym roku prezydentury Donalda Trumpa były okresem gwałtownego przewartościowania polityki Waszyngtonu wobec Pekinu. Protekcjonistyczne hasło „America First” kontrastowało wyraźnie z próbą narzucania przez Chińską Republikę Ludową globalnej narracji otwartości gospodarczej, a wycofywanie się Stanów Zjednoczonych z porozumień wielostronnych zaczęły dyskontować władze Chin, wysuwając własne projekty multilateralne. W porównaniu z prezydenturą Baracka Obamy, postulującego „zwrot ku Azji” (pivot to Asia), pierwszych dwanaście miesięcy rządów jego następcy w Białym Domu charakteryzowała wyraźna zmiana priorytetów w polityce wobec Chin w oparciu o konfrontacyjną retorykę i rosnącą asertywność w kwestiach gospodarczych.
4
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Post-Soviet Area in the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation

72%
Czyż A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2021
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vol. 71
151-164
EN
The article is devoted to the post-Soviet area’s place in Russian foreign policy from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 to 2021. The aim of this article is to present the importance of the post-Soviet area in Russian foreign policy and the goals and instruments of this policy towards the post-Soviet area after the collapse of the USSR. In the 30 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, reintegration and disintegration processes took place in the post-Soviet area. There were numerous armed conflicts, and it also became a field of competition in international relations. The Russian Federation uses all possible influence instruments to maintain control over the post-Soviet area and still treats it as the exclusive sphere of Russian influence and Russian foreign policy’s priority direction.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony miejscu obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej od rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 do 2021 roku. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie znaczenia obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej oraz celów i instrumentów tej polityki wobec obszaru poradzieckiego po rozpadzie ZSRR. W ciągu 30 lat po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego na obszarze poradzieckim miały miejsce procesy reintegracji i dezintegracji. Dochodziło do wielu konfliktów zbrojnych, stał się on także polem rywalizacji w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska wykorzystuje wszelkie możliwe instrumenty oddziaływania, aby utrzymać kontrolę nad obszarem poradzieckim i nadal traktuje go jako wyłączną strefę wpływów Rosji i priorytetowy kierunek rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej.
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