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Health status, nutrition, and fragile states

100%
Peterson S. A.
Reality of Politics
|
2021
|
issue 15
57-71
EN
Fragile states have several key characteristics: (1) uncertain control of territory and/or not having full control of legitimate use of force; (2) decline in legitimacy of collective and authoritative government decisions; (3) difficulties with providing public goods and services; (4) problems with interacting with other states as a member of the larger international community. Data on The Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Index from 2016 are used to measure the dependent variable. The independent variables of interest are health and nutrition, to determine if these factors-as influences on citizens’ behavior-would have anything to do with fragility. This paper, then, explores the role of two biosocial variables in affecting degree of fragility. Results are discussed as well as implications.
2
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Decoding state fragility : Recent trends and developments (2015–2019)

88%
Vilkova D.
Reality of Politics
|
2020
|
issue 13
41-52
EN
The article highlights the main developments in the study of state fragility in the period between 2015 and 2019. The goal is to cover the main trends in the study of the subject as well as the most prominent projects of recent years. The article presents the main findings and recommendations of different international agencies, including the reports by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, LSE-Oxford Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development, United States Institute for Peace Fragility Study Group and the Task Force on Extremism in Fragile States. The article covers the main approaches to state fragility, recent academic novelties and trends in the field. Among these is popularizing the notion of resilience in a set of OECD States of Fragility reports. The fragility trap and regarding state fragility as a syndrome with a set of symptoms is analyzed on the basis of the Commission on State Fragility report. The US agencies’ attitude is also taken into account. The preventive approach towards extremism and fragile states as well as the steps to be taken by different agencies together with international partners are covered in this article. Fragility Study Group, the Task Force on Extremism in Fragile States, and Global Fragility Act are analyzed as interconnected and a part of the same doctrine and political strategy towards the four-S framework implementation. The article acknowledges the continuity in the work of different research groups that culminated in the Global Fragility Act. The need to reconsider previous approaches to the root causes of state fragility is emphasized. The importance of coordinated prevention in fragile states and conflict-affected areas is seen as critical for international security. The article also traces recent adjustments in the attitude toward the main gaps in state functions and the views on the root causes of state fragility and ways to combat the issue and the emerging security, political and economic threats.
3
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Polityka rozwojowa Niemiec jako czynnik stabilizacji i bezpieczeństwa państw upadłych na przykładzie Afganistanu i państw Afryki Subsaharyjskiej.

75%
Paterek A.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
|
2015
|
issue 1
171-188
EN
Fragile states pose a risk to regional and global security and an immense challenge to international development cooperation. The term fragile states generally refers to countries with dysfunctional, deteriorating or collapsed central authorities, as well as weak, failed, failing and collapsed states. In recent years they have attracted considerable and increased attention in the international development community, including the German development policy. Documents such as the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) strategy “Developmentoriented Transformation in Conditions of Fragile Statehood and Poor Government Performance” and the guidelines on dealings with troubled states demonstrate that the German development cooperation has tried to tailor its approaches to these circumstances. This new policy crosses ministry boundaries and sets out a framework of closely action for the German foreign ministry, the defense ministry and the ministry for economic cooperation. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards fragile states, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future.
4
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PIRACTWO MORSKIE I JEGO IMPLIKACJE DLA BEZPIECZEŃSTWA MORSKIEGO W DRUGIEJ DEKADZIE XXI WIEKU – CASUS SOMALII

54%
Wardin K.
Przegląd Strategiczny
|
2017
|
issue 10
191-208
EN
In the article a strategic approach to the problem of maritime piracy and its implications in the context of maritime transport security is presented and evaluated. The article shows the problem of piracy in the most important regions of its presence, the intensity of the problem in the 90s of the 20th century and its contemporary aspect. Activities of the international community in the context of maritime piracy and help for fragile States for example, Somalia are presented and evaluated. The article ends with conclusions and probable development of the piracy in the following years, in which the author predicts that the deployed action, so far contributed to the reduction in the number of attacks, but to a small extent contributed to the improvement of the economic situation of the Somali population. The growing number of attacks in 2015 and 2016, suggests that the years to come may bring a further wave of piracy renaissance. If the aid is not increased and used with better precision, maritime piracy will remain a real threat to maritime transport.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano i oceniono strategiczne podejście do problemu piractwa morskiego i jego implikacji w kontekście bezpieczeństwa transportu morskiego. Ukazano problem piractwa w najważniejszych regionach jego występowania, intensywność występowania tego problemu w latach 90. XX wieku oraz jego współczesny aspekt. Zaprezentowano i oceniono działania społeczności międzynarodowej w kontekście zwalczania piractwa morskiego oraz pomocy dla państw dysfunkcyjnych na przykładzie Somalii. Artykuł kończy się wnioskami i prawdopodobnym rozwojem omawianego procederu w kolejnych latach, w których Autorka prognozuje, że wdrożone, jak do tej pory działania przyczyniły się do ograniczenia liczby ataków, ale w niewielkim stopniu przyczyniły się do poprawy sytuacji ekonomicznej ludności somalijskiej. W związku z zanotowaniem rosnącej liczby ataków w latach 2015 i 2016, kolejne lata mogą przynieść dalszą falę renesansu piractwa. Jeżeli udzielana pomoc nie zostanie zintensyfikowana i precyzyjniej wykorzystana, to piractwo morskie pozostanie realnym zagrożeniem dla transportu morskiego.
5
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Czy nastąpi podział Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej?

38%
Cywa I.
Afryka
|
2015
|
issue 41
81-98
EN
Despite being a mineral-rich country, in 2012 the Central African Republic (CAR) was ranked 10th in the Fragile (formerly Failed) States Index according to Fund for Peace. The history of this country has been turbulent. Regular rebellions and disastrous state economic policies have led to economic, political and social collapses in the CAR. The most recent rebellion, conducted by Michel Djotodia and Séléka’s rebel coalition was different than previous coups, supported financially and military by France and Chad. The rebellion has had several stages and lead to the CAR being accused of cannibalism, religious war and genocide. Its conclusion is meant to be a division of the CAR into the supposedly Muslim and Christian parts, even though it does not reflect the country’s actual religious divide; the majority of the CAR’s mineral resources, however, are located in what would be the Muslim part. The article describes the events that took place between December 2012 and May 2014, which formed the basis of false accusations of genocide, religious war and cannibalism in the CAR. The article points towards the Séléka organisation, which from December 2012 has been carrying out its plan to decimate and mentally and financially impoverish the Central Africans, leading to the country’s division. The article analyses two military organisations that have been fighting each other since December 2013, describing their military aims, the course of fighting and the results of their military actions. The text presents both the consequences of aid given to the CAR by France and Chad, and their hidden agenda.
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