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1

Sejmiki mazowieckie wobec kwestii sposobu powoływania monarchy w Rzeczypospolitej w okresie Sejmu Wielkiego

100%

Groszkowski J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 4(171)

57–73

EN

The author analyses, on the basis of the parliamentary instructions from the times of the Great Sejm, the attitudes of the Masovian regional assemblies towards one of the key issues of the systemic reform of the electoral monarchy, i.e. the establishment of the hereditary throne in the Republic of Poland. He discusses, differentiates and attempts to explain the reasons for the political behaviour of the nobility from the various lands. The author tries to prove thesis that the vivente rege election in Masovia was adopted as a one-off solution, forced by the political situation of the state. He presents the little-known but original election reform projects put forward by the Masovian nobility. The author explains the reluctance of the Masovian regional assemblies to establish a hereditary throne not by the stereotype of dark and conservative Masovians exposed in historiography, but most of all by the fear that due to economic weakness, the Masovian nobility would lose a significant part of its political importance along with the deprivation of the right to elections.

2

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Eighteen-century Alliance Treaties of the Neighbouring Countries, 1720–72

75%

Kordel J.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2017

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vol. 116

PL

When in 1719 Augustus II of Poland made an attempt to emancipate himself from the influence of the Russian emperor, the latter entered into alliance with the Prussian king, with the intent of preventing emancipation of the monarch and his country. The alliance concluded by Tsar Peter the Great with King Frederick William I of Prussia expressed the substantial interests of both monarchies. It was all about keeping watchful oversight of political and military weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and rendering the country isolated in the international arena. The programme established by Petersburg and Berlin remained valid until the end of the eighteenth century and the final, third, partition of Poland. The monarchs guaranteed that they would do everything possible to prevent the Polish constitutional system from altering (keeping the king’s rights restrained against the liberties maintained – primarily the liberum veto and free election of monarch), and treasury and military reforms from implementing. The preponderance over the Commonwealth implied the participation of Russia in what is termed the concert of the European powers. For the country of the Hohenzollerns, the debilitation of the nobility-based republic was, in turn, an opportunity for increasing the its territory, which had been policy energetically pursued since the Great Elector Frederick William’s reign (1640–88). For these reasons, the whole series of Russo-Prussian alliance treaties (1726, 1729, 1740, 1743, 1764, 1769, and 1772) comprised provisions regarding Polish affairs. The range of the issues covered by these bipartite agreements was ever-broadening, extending to the dissenters’ affair, among other things. Other reasons stood behind the inclusion of clauses related to the Commonwealth in Russian-Austrian treaties. Of substantial importance was the antagonism prevalent in the Reich between Austria and Prussia, which from 1740 onwards turned into acrimonious hostility. The Viennese Burg, which solicited favour from Petersburg, endeavoured to persuade its Russian ally that it was ready and willing to replace the Prussian partner in Poland-related matters of importance to Russia (cf. the treaties of 1726, 1730, 1733, 1746). Discussed is also a never-ratified tripartite agreement of 1732 – the so-called Löwenwolde’s treaty – which was momentous for the designs of the contracting parties, as well as the partition treaties of 1772.

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Prawo do informacji o wyborach

63%

Frydrych-Depka A.

Studia Wyborcze

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2018

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vol. 25

57-70

PL

Badania opinii społecznej oraz liczba oddawanych głosów nieważnych, zwłaszcza w wyborach samorządowych, pokazują, że Polacy mają niewielką wiedzę z zakresu prawa wyborczego. Jest to ze wszech miar zjawisko niepożądane. Informacja o wyborach zdaje się niezbędnym elementem do podjęcia świadomej decyzji wyborczej. Czym jest informacja o wyborach? Odpowiedź na to pytanie wynika nie tylko z konkretnych przepisów kodeksu wyborczego. Kwestie te należy rozpatrywać szerzej. Bez wątpienia nakłada się na nie również regulacja ogólna wynikająca z ustawy o prawie dostępu do informacji publicznej, a także regulacje prawa międzynarodowego czy interpretacja podstawowych reguł rządzących wyborami.

EN

Public opinion surveys and the number of invalid votes cast, especially in local government elections, show that Poles have little knowledge of electoral law. This is by all means an undesirable phenomenon. Information about the election seems to be a necessary element to make an informed electoral decision. What is information about the election? The answer to this question derives not only from specific provisions of the Electoral Code. These issue should be considered more widely. Undoubtedly, with taking into consideration the general regulation on the access to public information, as well as the provisions of international law or the interpretation of the basic rules governing elections.

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1 Acta Poloniae Historica

1 Przegląd Sejmowy

1 Studia Wyborcze

1 Frydrych-Depka A.

1 Groszkowski J.

1 Kordel J.

1 2022

1 2018

1 2017

Sejmiki mazowieckie wobec kwestii sposobu powoływania monarchy w Rzeczypospolitej w okresie Sejmu Wielkiego

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Eighteen-century Alliance Treaties of the Neighbouring Countries, 1720–72

Prawo do informacji o wyborach