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EN
Nordic countries have been on top of transparency and freedom of expression indexes for years. Denmark topped Transparency International list for 2016 while Finland took first place on World Press Freedom Index 2017. However, it does not mean that Nordic politicians never try to interfere with media content. The purpose of this article is the analysis of pressure that politicians put on Nordic public service media. Serving as a showcase are the events that have recently taken place in Finland. Some elements of the Nordic political culture are also presented, as they can influence the society’s perception of political pressure on media.
EN
Unlike the author’s economic rights, the authorship of a work as well as other moral rights should not necessarily be classified as a kind of intellectual property. If literature presents the problems of copyright as an element of intellectual property, this is done in reference to economic rights. The issues connected with moral rights appear then as the background condition for economic rights to arise. However, according to the will of the legislator, the nature of these rights was formed in a different way. While economic rights are a kind of intellectual property, the authorship of a work should rather be viewed as a phenomenon at the intersection of the right to privacy (particularly at the stage of an already established but not yet completed work) and the right to freedom of expression (from the moment of the exercise of other moral rights and the moment of taking a decision to make a work public under the author’s own name). The right to withhold authorship cannot be interpreted as the right to change the author by agreement of the interested parties.
EN
The phrase ‘libel tourism’ appeared for the first time in 1990, when a Hollywood star ArnoldSchwarzenegger sued American author Wendy Leigh for his unauthorized biography in an English court[Rayner 2010; Sanchez 2011]. A number of recent cases included wealthy libel tourists such as NicoleKidman, David Hasselhoff, Roman Polański, Jennifer Lopez, Marc Anthony, Britney Spears, Tiger Woodsand Cameron Diaz. Since 2005, the number of libel actions in the High Court has doubled, and in 2009, therewere 219 defamation cases issued; 34 of them were identified as having a “foreign connection” [Ministryof Justice, Report of the Libel Working Group]. In a short time, the widespread opinion has appeared thatLondon has become the “Libel Capital of the World” [London “The Times”, Be Reasonable; Carvajal,Britain, a Destination for ‘Libel Tourism’]. Through an extensive review of relevant case law and studiesI would like to draw attention to the problem of libel tourism which creates a chilling effect on press freedom.
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EN
In Poland, the way to make the constitutional basis of freedom of speech and freedom of the media opened up with breakthrough systemic taking place in 1989. Today it is sanctioned under the Constitution of 1997 (article 14 expresses the freedom of media and article 54 regulates freedom of expression) and a matter of law on the National Council of Radio and Television. The need for free media market, free flow of information and opinions and the need to protect it with a functioning system of judicial instruments – domestic and international – is now the standard functioning of democratic states. If what is more free speech – mainly implemented by means of mass communication is a real value and perform proper function in society – the mass media must be able to operate without restrictions or influence by external actors. Only then they will be able to inform the public about the socio-political events in the most objective way. Everyone has the right to express their thoughts, whether in private life, whether in public life. In addition, each sentence of the people must be respected, even if someone disagrees with him. This rule is reflected not only in Polish law (both in terms of the Constitution and ordinary laws) but also in the program documents, demands and actions of all major Polish political scene at the party. On the basis of the current legal regulations, political parties have the ability to access public radio and television, which have an impact on the implementation of the constitutional right of freedom of expression in practice. For this example, an object of study focused on two levels of analysis, in relation to the p arliamentary elections of 2011 and in the context of political ideology. The analysis of empirical data on two key issues: the use of freedom of speech by the media in Poland and protection of the constitutional right of free speech by the Polish political parties.
EN
The purpose of the paper is to discuss the mechanism of censorship before and after 1990 when the mission of the communist Chief Control Bureau for Press, Publications and Performances (GUKPPiW) was terminated. Communist censorship was not, as we have grown to perceive it, a case-based preventive control of the flow of ideas but a complex and continuous system of relations which shaped desired social actions. Institutional censorship only ensured the coherence of messages produced by self-censoring culture outlets: representatives of the media, scholars, writers, and artists. In my opinion the abolition of GUKPPiW was not some radical rupture, it seems that some of the mechanisms of censorship have a rather permanent nature, regardless of the political system. Moreover, even though institutional control over the discursive sphere was lifted, many informal relations of power have remained untouched. These dispersed power relations have been shaping Polish society’s view of the world for centuries deciding what is good or bad, nice or ugly, decent or indecent, Polish or non-Polish, and last but not least – expressible or inexpressible.
EN
The article titled “The Criminal Law restrictions on freedom of expression in Poland” concerns the issue of selected criminal offences to the press. Many legal rights must be protected by the norms and mores. Thus, journalists, and editors-in-chief must be aware of the possible criminal liability for violations. These regulations limit the freedom of expression, which, however, is not absolute. I think that the penalization of the abuse of freedom of expression is essential in today’s society. However, it is the anachronism to predict, in some cases (e.g. defamation, insults), in relation to the press, the possibility of applying the imprisonment penalty. Therefore, I believe, that it is necessary to liberalize the Polish criminal law.
EN
The relationship between copyright and freedom of expression has long been debated. Unlike the legal discourse in other jurisdictions, most notably the United States, where it is assumed that free speech and copyright do not collide, in Europe both rights have separate legal effect and are considered to be of equal importance. As a result, when an individual refers to the human right of free speech to hold and impart copyright protected material, it triggers the collision between the two rights. This paper highlights and explores these relationships between copyright and freedom of expression in Europe, offering an in-depth analysis of the human rights scope of copyright and free speech, as well as examining the circumstances under which each conflicting right should prevail.
EN
The phenomenon of media pluralism and content diversity has been unceasingly a central issue of the European policy making. Media pluralism is usually linked to the democratic perform- ances of society. The concept of pluralism can be defined both in terms of its function and in terms of its objective. Concerning television, media pluralism can be assessed through the number and types of channels, the number and structure of their owners, the editorial content of the broadcasts, and the access of different societal groups to the programming. Th e text investigates how well the traditional television system with its main social pillars, such as plurality and diversity, fits into the newly devel- oped digitized media environment.
EN
The Polish debate concerning the appropriate scope of freedom of expression and freedom of the press has a long history dating back almost 30 years. One of the crucial points in this debate is the criminal character of defamation in Poland. The text attempts to present the contemporary Polish legal regulations on defamation and also mentions some foreign solutions. The author analyses the normative notion of freedom of expression in Polish constitutional circumstances and within the light of national and international jurisprudence, concerning the limits of state intervention into the rights of free expression. The article postulates changes in the Polish regulations, at least the removal of restrictions and imprisonment from the Penal Code. Instead, the civil procedure shall be reformed to become friendlier and accessible for victims of violations of their personal dignity and the public picture. The prospects for this to occur in the existing Polish political reality are rather doubtful.
The Lawyer Quarterly
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2024
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vol. 14
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issue 1
111-122
EN
The unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014 triggered the need for a European response. With unprecedented speed, the Union adopted a series of restrictive measures limiting trade with the Russian Federation, freezing the assets of individuals, and restricting their activities in the Single Market. The Union also had to address the issue of the undermining of European unity and society by Russian media houses based in Member States. Restrictions on the broadcasting of Russia Today France were subsequently challenged in the European General Court. This was the first time the Court had ruled on restrictions on the activities of an entire editorial office. The days of innocence are coming to an end and days of hard choices are becoming the norm as the Union begins to assume its geopolitical responsibilities.
EN
This paper provides an overview on the protection of the right to freedom of expression in international human rights law. It addresses the scope of this right and focuses on the exceptional circumstances in which this right might be restricted. According to international law, a restriction must be provided by law, pursue a legitimate aim and be necessary to achieve this particular legitimate aim. Additionally, the restriction shall be the least restrictive measure capable of achieving the legitimate aim pursued. In other words, freedom of expression may only be limited if the restriction meets the requirements of legality, legitimacy, necessity and proportionality, as defined by international human rights law.
EN
The purpose of the presented article is to resolve the issue of the existence of the common European standard regarding the blasphemous speeches and examine its efficiency for possible mechanisms of resolving the collussion between freedom of expression and freedom of religion. The presented analysis will be commenced with reference to the judicial practice of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the tension between freedom of expression and freedom of religion with addition to blasphemy. Through the prism of such analysis the author formulates hypothesis of the wide diversity between the States of the Council of Europe towards granting priority for one of the aforesaid freedoms in case of blasphemy. Secondary question refers to the influence of such diversity for the efficiency of protection of both: freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Subsequently the author will analyse the domestic regulations of Italy, Ireland and Austria to illustrate the occurring differences as well as search for optimal model of protection. The author will also refer to the statement of selected representatives of human rights doctrine. The conclusion part will focus on formulating recommendations for amplifying the efficiency of the common European standard regarding the presented issue. The author will rely mainly on legal dogmatic methodology with reference to the literal resonance of the legal regulations as well as judicial practice of the European Court of Human Rights as well as comparative analysis to unveil similarities and differences within presented States legal systems.
EN
In the case assessed by the court, the artist Jan Kapela changed the words of the Polish national anthem in such a way that they expressed support for the reception of refugees by Poland. For this act he was convicted pursuant to Article 49 § 2 of the Code of Petty Offenses, for the violation of legal provisions protecting the coherence of the anthem. However, the interpretation of these provisions and of subsequent offenses requires an evaluation of behaviors potentially violating the law by disrespecting the anthem. Not all behavior can be qualified as contrary to the law and constitute an offense. The law does not prohibit modifications of the anthem. An individual enjoys freedom of expression, which is subject to special protection when the statement relates to current social or political issues. The reception of refugees by Poland was such an issue. Since the law impacts individual rights by restricting freedom of expression, its application must not be based on vague reverence and ensure respect for those individual freedoms through restrictive interpretation.
EN
The aim of the gloss is to present the limitation of the scope of the criminality of the freedom of expression in the context of protecting the office of the President of the Republic of Poland against the insult resulting from the need to protect the freedom of expression, especially of a political nature, which contributes to public discourse and criticism of the head of state.
PL
Celem glosy jest przedstawienie ograniczenia zakresu karalności wolności wypowiedzi w kontekście ochrony urzędu Prezydenta RP przed zniewagą wynikającego z konieczności ochrony wolności wypowiedzi, zwłaszcza o charakterze politycznym, stanowiącej wkład w dyskurs publiczny i krytykę głowy państwa.
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EN
The right to peaceful assembly is one of the fundamental rights guaranteed at the level of national law, international law and European Union law. The exercise of this right is one of the main forms of active participation of individuals in public life, providing them with an effective means of expressing their views on political and other social issues, and can also be seen as a collective exercise of freedom of expression. For these reasons, the question in place is not limited only to guaranteeing this right, but alsodefining the conditions for its restriction comes to the fore. Given the originally common legal regulation of this right in the conditions of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic, as well as its successor states and current problems of exercising this right, the authors consider the legal regulation of this right, the possibilities of its restriction in terms of measures taken by public authorities.
EN
Disinformation regarding the COVID-19 pandemic is a global phenomenon. It constitutes a threat to the values protected under the law, health in particular. The primary issue tackled in “Disinformation regarding COVID-19 in the light of priorities of the European Commission and the legal regulations binding and currently drafted in Poland” paper is an attempt at answering the following question: Is eliminating COVID-19 disinformation from public space possible in light of the priorities of the European Commission and the legal regulations already effective and currently being drafted in Poland? The analyses conducted under the paper lead to the conclusions that the provisions currently regulating freedom of expression theoretically constitute a basis for eliminating disinformation from public space but are, in practice, not very effective. This leads to the need for searching for other, more effective legal instruments in this field, both on the level of European Union law making and domestic legislation. Although we may speak of a consensus concerning assessment of the very phenomenon of disinformation the legislative and practical actions taken, both on the domestic level and the European Union level, enable us to indicate substantial and frequently disturbing differences regarding shifting the aspects emphasized by legislation. As compared to the proposed solutions drafted by the European Commission and the drafts of domestic acts, the vastly different approach to the idea of controlling disinformation is clearly visible. Therefore, it must be stated that such circumstances will lead to development of varied legal effects of the drafted regulations that will decide, among other issues, the practical effectiveness or lack thereof in the case of the drafted solutions. In the course of the analysis of the issue constituting the subject of this paper we should concurrently bear in mind that freedom of expression is one of the principles in a democratic state governed by the rule of law.
EN
Freedom of expression is one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society. In fact, the freedom to express one’s opinion and to impart, as well as to receive, information, is essential for the participation in the democratic process. The ability to make decisions as a citizen requires access to information; the participation in the life of the society requires the ability to express one’s opinions. It is imperative that in a democratic society, as it is envisaged by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), everybody is able to express their views, regardless as to whether these views correspond to the views of those who are in power. This ability is one of the key differences between democracy anddictatorship. In particular in the nation-states of Eastern Europe, which have only known freedom for a bit less than a quarter of a century, the growth of democratic structures is inextricably linked to the ability to exercise this right. But while human rights in principle pit the citizen against the State, the citizen who serves the State in a professional function might also wish to express opinions that go against the view of those who are entrusted with leading the State. This is particularly the case when it comes to members of the armed forces. The jurisprudence of the Convention organs with regard to the right of public officials and other State agents to express their opinion freely is not as coherent as it is with regard to other questions concerning the ECHR. In a case decided in late 2013, the European Court of Human Rights dealt with this question with regard to Lithuania. In this article, the authors look at the question of how far the State can restrict the freedom of expression of members of the armed forces under the European Convention on Human Rights.
PL
Obowiązujący Kodeks wykroczeń wszedł w życie w innych realiach politycznych, prawnych i społeczno-gospodarczych. Nie odpowiada realiom obecnym, jego wykładnia wymaga szczególnej uwagi, ze względu na konieczność uwzględnienia zwłaszcza obowiązującej Konstytucji RP. Art. 63a Kodeksu wykroczeń chroni przed zachowaniami naruszającymi estetykę przestrzeni publicznej. Zachowania takie nie mogą być karane, gdy nie godzą w porządek publiczny, ponieważ stanowią formę realizacji wolności wypowiedzi.
EN
The current Code of Petty Offenses entered into force in a different legal and socio-economic reality. It does not correspond to contemporary realities, its interpretation requires care, due to the necessity to consider the current Polish Constitution. Article 63a of the Code protects against behavior that violates the aesthetics of public space. Such behavior may not be punished when it does not violate public order, as it constitutes a form of exercising individual the freedom of expression.
PL
Internet w całej swojej nieskończoności i ciągłym rozwoju staje się przydatnym i potężnym instrumentem do pozyskiwania wiedzy. Popularne wyszukiwarki takie jak Google czy Yahoo! grają dziś rolę dominujących agencji informacyjnych – produkują, organizują, dystrybuują, dostosowują a nawet manipulują informacją online. Dla zdecydowanej większości użytkowników Internetu wyszukiwarka Google jest pierwszym, wręcz naturalnym źródłem wiedzy na temat tego co można znaleźć w Internecie. Idea swobodnego przepływu informacji, powstała w UNESCO i lansowana niemal przez pół wieku, opiera się przede wszystkim na amerykańskiej koncepcji wolności prasy i przekonaniu, że źródłem postępu ludzkości jest niczym nieograniczona działalność jednostek oraz swobodny dostęp do informacji, niekrępowanej ingerencją organów państwowych. UNESCO głosi, że zasada wolności słowa musi stosować się nie tylko do tradycyjnych mediów, ale także obowiązywać w Internecie. Celem artykułu jest określenie roli wyszukiwarki Google w praktycznej realizacji tej idei. Deklarowaną misją firmy Google jest skatalogowanie światowych zasobów informacji i uczynienie ich powszechnie dostępnymi i użytecznymi. Twórcy wyszukiwarki realizują tą ideę poprzez oficjalne promowanie swobodnego przepływu informacji oraz takie projekty jak Transparency Report. Jednocześnie jednak udostępnia wyszukiwarkę w takich krajach, które z wolnym dostępem do informacji nie mają wiele wspólnego, a gdzie działalność Google jest ograniczana przez organy państwowe.
EN
In its infinite and continuous development the Internet is a useful and powerful tool for knowledge acquisition. Popular search engines such as Google and Yahoo! are play a role today the of the dominant agencies – they produce, organize, distribute, adapt and even manipulate information online. Google search engine is for the vast majority of Internet users a first, or even natural source of knowledge of what you can find on the world wide web. The idea of free flow of information, which was founded in UNESCO and promoted for almost half a century, is based primarily on the American concept of freedom of the press, also on the belief that the source of human progress is an unrestricted free activity of individuals and free access to information not interfered by state authorities. UNESCO recognizes that the principle of freedom of expression must apply not only to tradition media, but also is applicable online. This articles purpose is to define the role of Google in the practical implementation of this idea. The declared mission of Google is cataloging the world's information and making it universally accessible and useful. The search engines developers fulfill this idea by officially promoting free flow of information and projects such as Transparency Report. At the same time Google makes its search engine available in countries which does not have much in common with free access to information, and where its activity is limited by authority.
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