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EN
Sources and methods. There are some different methods used by archaeologists in order to establish a ranking of grave assemblages, ordered by their more or less subjectively estimated “richness”. The scope of presented paper is an evaluation of these techniques. For this purpose more then 500 grave inventories were analysed, originating from two large cemeteries dated back to the Late Bronze Age – Early Iron Age transition and located in Southern Poland (Fig. 1). Four absolute methods of scoring (total number of objects made of stone, metal or bone, number of functional categories, “quantity index” – subjective scoring based on the criterion of production cost, approximate weight of metal objects) as well as two relative ones (“splendour index”, “scarcity index”) were subsequently implemented and compared one another. Results. Results obtained by using all techniques are comparable. Correlation indexes counted separately for pairs of different rankings fluctuate usually from 0.8 to 0.9 (Fig. 4-6). It allows us to claim, that in the case of both cemeteries the largest and the most internally diverse grave assemblages, contain also the rarest, the heaviest and the most laborious and material consuming objects. It allows us also to distinguish four separate groups of “richness”, represented on both cemeteries (Fig. 4-5). The “poorest” one is represented by the majority of inventories (about 60%), which may be seen as a “norm” and were equipped with 3-4 vessels of different functional types and sometimes additionally small metal objects (e.g. earrings) as well as burials completely devoided of equipment (about 20-30%). Subsequent analyses showed that number of vessels occurring in grave inventories does not correlate in any way with indexes of their “richness”. However, other interesting correlation is possible to find. Namely, the number and quality of vessels seems to alter among subsequent age categories of deceased (Fig. 9). Particularly, a tendency is observed, that children older then four years are supposed to be equipped often with the whole “adult” set of vessels (cup, bowl, pot and sometimes vase), whilst younger ones got no pottery or only one or two cups. Planigraphy of the sites (Fig. 11-12) showed that burials representing first three groups of “richness” tend to concentrate in small clusters, despite of the facts that they are not restricted to any individual part of the cemeteries. Discussion and conclusions. The last part of of the paper discusses the reliability of grave analyses as a source for studies on social hierarchies within past societies. In relation to cemeteries in question the following interpretation is proposed (with reference to the costly signaling model). All additional objects within grave inventories (i.e. those, which exceeded the “norm”) ware not only the equipment of deceased, but can be linked to conspicuous behaviours in which the giver displayed to the audience (participants of the burial ceremony), that he or she posses an important, but normally hidden attribute. During this ceremonies the precious gift – the token was irreversibly exchanged for immaterial symbolic capital. Although the person of giver is hidden to us, we may speculate about his or her motivation by tracing what was given (the nature of objects which played the role of grave-gifts), to whom was it given (what kind of social relation was supposed to be emphasised by giver) and where, or better in front of whom the giving was performed? On the methodological level, obtained results allow to stress the advantages of both relative methods („splendour index” and “scarcity index”), which combined each other provide the most complementary picture of diversity patterns within collections of grave assemblages.
EN
Aim. This article focuses on the phenomenon of military items buried with individuals anthropologically identified as female. While the body of sources informing the analysis of this archaeological phenomenon have already been presented in a separate article [Bochnak 2010], this publication will discuss the possible lines of interpretation for such finds and attempt to explain them. Is the presence of military items in the graves of women enough to posit that warrior-women did exist in the Iron Age? Or perhaps, should it perhaps be viewed as an expression of other customs, not necessarily indicative of women actually wielding arms, barring exceptional cases? Methods. The article discusses both ancient and early mediaeval written sources mentioning women taking part in combat in the context of Central Europe [Cassius Dio, Vita Aureliani, Jordanes, Getica , Isidore of Seville, Etymologiæ, Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum and Liutprandi Leges]. It is possible that at least some of these mentions pertain to extraordinary situationsrequiring all members of a local community capable of bearing arms to fight. For the Germanic peoples, the idea of armed women would not have been improper or offensive. The figure of the Valkyries – the fierce mythical daughters of Odin – should be testament enough. Nevertheless, all the above sources speak of territories which were either close to the borders of the Roman Empire or the location of which are not strictly defined. Sadly, we do not possess any similar sources confirming the existence of female fighters north of the Carpathians in the younger pre-Roman and Roman period. To demonstrate warrior women did exist, we first need to consider the social implications of the phenomenon, as well as the tactical advantages this may have entailed. Accounts of female warriors mainly describe communities which preferred ranged weapons over hand-to-hand combat, as was often the case among nomadic peoples. Cavalry formations were especially common in the steppes of Eurasia or America but both Central and Western Europe lacked the swathes of open space for such tactics to take hold. While the Germanic social order did allow women to assume prestigious functions, for example as envoys, it does not necessarily follow that these women would have enjoyed the privilege of carrying arms. Results & Conclusions. It seems more likely that the weapons discovered in graves did not belong to the deceased as such but were a form of funerary offerings or gifts. They may have served a magical purpose of some sort or were perhaps an expression of respect for the buried women. And even though women of the Przeworsk culture may have occasionally participated in armed combat, there is little evidence that they may be called warrior- women in the proper sense.
PL
Cel. Tematem artykułu jest fenomen składania militariów do grobów, w których, według wyników analiz antropologicznych, złożono kobiety. Baza źródłowa wraz z archeologiczną analizą tego zjawiska została omówiona w odrębnym artykule [Bochnak 2010]. W niniejszym tekście przestawiono możliwe interpretacje samej natury tego zjawiska. Czy militaria w grobach kobiecych rzeczywiście mogą być traktowane jako dowód istnienia kobiet- wojowniczek? A może występowanie broni w grobach jest odbiciem innych zwyczajów, a kobiety – poza zupełnie wyjątkowymi przypadkami – nie posługiwały się bronią? Metoda. W artykule omówiono antyczne i wczesnośredniowieczne źródła pisane wzmiankujące walczące kobiety w Europie Środkowej [Kasjusz Dion, Vita Aureliani, Jordanes, Izydor z Sewilli, Paweł Diakon, oraz Liutprandi Leges]. Być może część wzmianek dotyczy wyjątkowych sytuacji, kiedy do boju stawali wszyscy zdolni do walki członkowie lokalnej społeczności. Dla samych Germanów obraz zbrojnej kobiety nie był czymś nieprzyzwoitym lub bluźnierczym – świadczy o tym koncepcja walkirii – mitologicznych zbrojnych córek Odyna. Tym niemniej, wszystkie wymienione źródła dotyczą terenów bliższych granicom Imperium Romanum lub nie są dokładnie lokalizowane i nie dysponujemy żadnymi źródłami pisanymi potwierdzającymi obecność uzbrojonych kobiet w młodszym okresie przedrzymskim i w okresie wpływów rzymskich na terenach położonych na północ od Karpat. Aby wykazać istnienie kobiet-wojowniczek należy w pierwszym rzędzie uwzględnić względy taktyczne przemawiającymi za udziałem kobiet w walce oraz uwarunkowania społeczne. Fenomen kobiet- wojowniczek jest spotykany przede wszystkim w społeczeństwach preferujących walkę na dystans – tak jak często ma to miejsce u koczowników. Formacje konnych jeźdźców są typowe dla obszarów stepowych – Eurazji lub Ameryki, natomiast w Europie Środkowej i Zachodniej, gdzie brak było szerokich, otwartych przestrzeni, taki sposób walki nigdy nie był popularny. Uwarunkowania społeczne u Germanów dopuszczały wysoką pozycję kobiet; były one np. członkiniami poselstw, jednak nie musiało się to łączyć z przywilejem noszenia broni. Wnioski i podsumowanie. Prawdopodobnie broń w pochówkach kobiet nie była ich własnością prywatną, a została dodana jako dar grobowy. Motywem mogło być zarówno działanie magiczne, jak i przekonanie, że z jakiegoś powodu zmarła jest godna takiego daru. W niektórych przypadkach kobiety kultury przeworskiej mogły doraźnie posługiwać się bronią, lecz nie możemy nazywać ich wojowniczkami.
EN
In spring 2019 near Ciepłe 3 stronghold and Ciepłe 6 cemetery a previously unknown early medieval burial ground was discovered. During a field prospection human bones and individual artefacts lying on the surface of the field were found. Due to probable significant damage of the burial ground and the unique cognitive qualities of the entire settlement complex, the site was selected for surface prospection and test trenching research, which was carried out in autumn 2019. The site was registered as a newly discovered early medieval necropolis and given the number Ciepłe 28, on AZP sheet 22-46, number 29. The works were carried out in two stages - initially, surface prospections were carried out (mapping of archaeological materials and human bone remains lying on the surface was made), then two test trenches were dug out - the first one in the western part of the culmination, approximately 25 m from the edge of the plateau, while the second one on the southern slope of the elevation, along the same axis at a distance of 35 m south. No sepulchral features were registered in trenches. Research has shown that the site has been damaged for a long time - as evidenced by fragments of human bones discovered in trench 2 at a depth of over a metre from the current ground level. In the course of surface research several dozen artefacts were discovered, in most cases elements of burial furnishing, as well as bone remains belonging to at least a dozen individuals. Amongst the discovered items stand out especially silver penny of Henry II , silver-plated temple rings, a set of belt fittings and the band-shaped coffin fittings. The obtained source materials indicate that the necropolis was used in the 11th-12th centuries. The described discoveries change the perception of the settlement complex in Ciepłe. The location of the second (and, importantly, simultaneous with the first one) cemetery within this settlement complex proves the high rank of this centre. It also brings new data to the topography of the entire complex, distinguished above all by the presence of three strongholds located in a short distance.
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