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PL
The article describes the analysis of the modern British party system in the age of changes and transformations. In particular, it analyzes the changes in the electorate as well as the legal-institutional conditions which, in consequence, led to a shift in the balance of power between the political parties on the parliamentary level that occurred after the 2010 general election. Forming a coalition in the Parliament and the Cabinet marked the beginning of an ideologically and politically difficult rule of two parties which both politicians and voters alike had to learn. I argue that the above circumstances led to a certain “crisis” not only in the way administration is handled but also in the society’s political participation. Simultaneously, it relates to what I view as a change in the British party system. The present article largely focuses on the transformations within the British party system that occurred in the early 21st century, on the genesis of the processes which affects the transformations in the above system, as well as on the causes and effects of these phenomena.
EN
The 2017 general elections in Kosovo are the first to be considered for the high use of Facebook by political parties. Kosovo has nearly 1 million Facebook users, and this is one reason that has pushed all political parties, without distinction, to include Facebook in their electoral strategies. The paper analyses the use of Facebook by political parties in the 2017 general election and deals with the adaptation of Kosovar political parties with this new form of political communication and their popularity on Facebook. Data were collected during the campaign using the software R. In the fourth age of political communication, the web 2.0 has changed political campaigns and the flow of information now is more dynamic than in the past. The paper presents the flow of information/messages through Facebook, with politicians connecting directly with citizens, bypassing traditional media. Through a quantitative content analysis of the seven parties’ Facebook pages, it is analysed how they used Facebook as a campaigning tool and based on the findings, the mobilisation function was the dominant one.
EN
Legislative work aimed at initiating studies on the use of blockchain technology in state elections is underway in some U.S. states. This is due to the fact that blockchain technology is tamper-resistant and failure-resistant and general elections are not free of cyber threats because of the widespread use of digital technologies in their organization. The results of this work may be useful for the Polish legislator if he decides to use blockchain technology, e.g., in elections to the Sejm and the Senate of the Republic of Poland. This paper reviews draft legislation from Illinois (A bill for an act concerning election, IL HB 4418, 2019–2020), Massachusetts (A bill for an act assisting active military voters by promoting mobile phone voting, MA HB 3763, 2019–2020), New York (A bill for an act directing the study of the use of blockchain technology to protect voter records and election results, NY SB 6036, 2019–2020), Utah (A bill for an act concerning Internet voting study, UT HB 0292, 2020) and Virginia (A bill for the Senate and the House of Representatives of the State of Virginia joint resolution No. 23 requesting the Department of Elections to study the use of blockchain technology to protect voter records and election results. Report, VA HJR 23, 2020).
Facta Simonidis
|
2016
|
vol. 9
|
issue 1
9-27
EN
The right to vote, during the whole period of Russian Federation’s existence as a new state, has been a fairly ambiguous and controversial issue. Such frequent “game rule” changes made a relevant impact on the quality of its party system. Thereby, in 2005 the most important reform of electoral law took place, the mixed system of elections in Russian`s Duma (Parliament) was entirely changed to proportional vote system. Significant reduction of political parties in Russian Federation along with the substantial strengthening of the “ruling party” had a considerably negative effect on the changes in the voting system. However, in 2012 the mixed vote system was renewed and conditions for registration of political parties have been simplified. In this article the impact of changes in electoral law since 2005-2015 on the general conditions of the Russian party system today will be considered and analysed.
PL
Избирательное право в Российской Федерации неоднократно изменялось. Такие частые изменения “правил игры” не могли не сказаться на качестве ее партийной системы. Так, в 2005 году произошла наиболее значительная рефорама избирательного права: смешанная система выборов в Госдуму заменялась полностью пропорциональной системой. Эффектом изменения избирательной системы было значительное уменьшение количества политических партий в Российской Федерации, а также усиливание позиций партии власти в Государственной Думе. В 2012 году вновь вводилась смешанная избирательная система и были упрощены условия регистрации политических партий. В статье будет предпринята попытка проанализировать влияние изменений избирательного законодательства в 2005–2015 годов на состояние Российской партийной системы.
RU
Избирательное право в Российской Федерации неоднократно изменялось. Такие частые изменения “правил игры” не могли не сказаться на качестве ее пар- тийной системы. Так, в 2005 году произошла наиболее значительная рефорама избирательного права: смешанная система выборов в Госдуму заменялась полно- стью пропорциональной системой. Эффектом изменения избирательной системы было значительное уменьшение количества политических партий в Российской Федерации, а также усиливание позиций партии власти в Государственной Думе. В 2012 году вновь вводилась смешанная избирательная система и были упроще- ны условия регистрации политических партий. В статье будет предпринята по- пытка проанализировать влияние изменений избирательного законодательства в 2005–2015 годов на состояние Российской партийной системы.
EN
The right to vote, during the whole period of Russian Federation’s existence as a new state, has been a fairly ambiguous and controversial issue. Such frequent “game rule” changes made a relevant impact on the quality of its party system. Thereby, in 2005 the most important reform of electoral law took place, the mixed system of elections in Russian`s Duma (Parliament) was entirely changed to proportional vote system. Significant reduction of political parties in Russian Federation along with the substantial strengthening of the “ruling party” had a considerably negative effect on the changes in the voting system. However, in 2012 the mixed vote system was renewed and conditions for registration of political parties have been simplified. In this article the impact of changes in electoral law since 2005-2015 on the general conditions of the Russian party system today will be considered and analysed.
EN
Six out of seven competing Polish political parties had their official fan page on Facebook (RPP, PSL, PJN – open access, PO, PiS, SLD – restricted access). These fan pages mostly attracted the parties’ supporters who were not interested in a problem-oriented political debate, but in their self-presentation among friends and acquaintances. The main objective was to be seen by others as involved in the public activity of one’s party - the activity inspired by the instigators themselves. The posts on Facebook – in their majority inspired by site administrators – represent a moderate, popular but polite and emotionally positive trend in the Internet-based political discourse.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest przyjęta w 2011 r. ustawa (Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011), na mocy której monarcha brytyjski utracił obowiązujące od początków parlamentaryzmu angielskiego prawo rozwiązywania parlamentu. Autor dokonuje analizy nielicznych w polskiej i anglosaskiej literaturze naukowej komentarzy do ustawy, a także wskazuje na konsekwencje poszczególnych rozwiązań prawnych na konstrukcję brytyjskiej konstytucji. W efekcie przyjęcia Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 w konstytucji brytyjskiej doszło do pewnej zmiany: konwencja Lascelles Principles utraciła swoją moc, a ponadto wcześniejsza prerogatywa monarchy utraciła moc i do tzw. ustaw ustrojowych (składników brytyjskiej konstytucji) dopisano kolejny akt prawny. Autor zauważył też, że przyjęcie ustawy doprowadziło do zahamowania ewolucyjnego wzmacniania się pozycji premiera pośród innych organów państwa.
EN
Subject of the paper is Fixed -term Parliaments Act which was adopted in 2011, under which the British monarch lost power to dissolve the parliament, which was in force since the beginning of the English parliamentarism. The author analyzes the few Polish and Anglo-Saxon literature comments to the Act, and also indicates the consequences of different legal solutions to the structure of the British constitution. As a result of the adoption of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 there has been a change in the British Constitution: constitutional convention of Lascelles Principles lost its power, and also the earlier prerogative of the monarch expired and the so-called statute laws was added yet another piece of legislation. The author also notes that the adoption of the Act led to the inhibition of evolutionary strengthening the position of Prime Minister, among other organs of the state.
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