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EN
The recent growth of the Catalan separatist movement is traditionally interpreted as a consequence of the bad economic performance of the region, or rather the whole country. This paper, however, aims to prove that despite the economy’s unquestionable role in the intensification of the nationalist conflict there may be other important factors involved. One of them is the case of the central government’s loss of credibility and grievances felt by the Catalan people. This may have led to an increase in separatist tendencies. On the other hand, the general political environment can be seen as a determinant of bilateral trade. Therefore, the bad relations between Catalonia and Spain and the increasing separatism in Catalonia aff ect negatively the mutual trade links between the region and the rest of the country. However, this effect acts in both directions, as trade diversification and internationalization may also have encouraged separatism. The lack of credibility of the government of Mariano Rajoy and the Popular Party has resulted in responses by the inhabitants of Catalonia which are the completely opposite of those expected by the prime minister and his party. The absence of dialogue from the central government encourages the separatist movement rather than discouraging it, and threats act as a very strong motivator for those who desire an independent Catalan state.
EN
The study focuses on the position of female deputies of non-Russian descent in parliamentary debates on the perestroika in the last years of the existence of Soviet Union. The key issues the author examines concern the hardships – as defined by the English term “grievances”, which denotes a variety of sources of political deprivation resulting in collective acts – these female deputies were pointing out, and what potential solutions they were proposing to mitigate or eliminate them. The most important forum where these debates were taking place was the Congress of People’s Deputies (S’ezd narodnykh deputatov), which arose from partly pluralistic elections, was the highest body of state authority of the Soviet Union from 1989 to 1991, and meant a significant progress in Gorbachev’s reform Communist leadership’s efforts to democratize the political system. Gender-wise, the body was very unbalanced as women accounted for just 352 out of its 2,250 elected members. The author work with stenographic records of speeches of the female deputies of non-Russian descent delivered during five sessions of the Congress of People’s Deputies, viewing them through a prism of concepts of “intersectionality” and “imperial situation”, which permit capturing the diversity of its composition and acts in the form of relations between various social categories (nationality/ethnicity, gender, region, profession etc.), their overlapping and self-categorization of players. The speeches of the female deputies often accentuated national grievances and hardships, which fact is indicative of a considerable importance of nationalism in Soviet discussions about the perestroika and in the systemic crisis of the USSR at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. However, they also show that viewing problems in a nationalism-tinged perspectives did not necessarily mean seeking a nationalist solution, as many of the female deputies preferred looking for a solution within the Soviet Union to that consisting in sovereignty or even independence of its republics. The female deputies also insistently reflected urgent social, economic, professional, environmental, and local problems. The final part of the article describes political careers of the female deputies after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
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